It was at her school in Tirukovilur that thirteen-year-old Azhagi first met her friend Durga. For years, the children were always seen together— sharing their toys or doing their homework in the precincts of the village temple dedicated to Veeran .
But an incident that Azhagi could still not comprehend changedthis relationship in December of 2012.
“One afternoon, my daughter came back home crying. She said she was shouted at by her friend’s father, who belongs to a political party here. She was asked to not come home again. That is how the friendship ended,” rues Azhagi’s mother, a widow and agricultural labourer from the Dalit community in the village of Aviyur. When she confronted the man about his behaviour, she was rudely told to keep off. Ever since the Dharmapuri riots of 2012 and the subsequent campaign by the PMK to unite Caste Hindu outfits against “love dramas” across Tamil Nadu, the divisions between the Dalit and Vanniyar communities in the northern districts have deepened. The polarisation, constantly reiterated through wall posters and hoardings and separation of village resources, looks absolute with negligible attempts at reconciliation.
Every aspect of the lives of these two communities has changed in the last three years. Dinesh, who runs a small tailoring shop in Pillur in Villupuram, recollects the days when the village hosted a Kabadi tournament during the temple festival.
“This tournament was marked by great camaraderie between the two communities. “We drank, played and partied together. After 2012, the Kabadi matches no longer take place,” he says. What was once a strong bond transformed into animosity overnight. For a few months following the Dharmapuri incident, there were constant skirmishes, mostly instigated by those affiliated to political outfits. “It was then that our village elders decided that we will have nothing to do with the other side,” he points out.
For a few months in 2013, even finding work in the fields became tough since the Caste Hindu landlords chose to bring labourers from other villages to avoid employing Dalits. It was only after outsiders started demanding high wages that they were called back.
At the tuition centre atop a house facing the main road in Kolianur, college students blame both the PMK and the VCK for the current situation. “The economic dependence of Dalits on Caste Hindus deepened during the calm that prevailed when the two parties were in alliance. Then suddenly, everything changed. For the sake of votes and power, we are being used as pawns,” a visibly upset Vasantha Velan said, claiming that caste hostility now transcended party lines with even those in the Dravidian parties sharply divided.
Identical views echo in Tittakudi in Cuddalore. “A local politician put up a hoarding some time back that of the 144 different communities in northern districts, only one (of Dalits) was standing up and questioning them. It was a clear signal to Dalits that they were isolated,” states Mayavan, a sanitary worker.
The other version
Vanniyars though have their own tales to narrate. “What do you expect us to do when there is unnecessary provocation? For us, the dignity of our women is paramount. You cannot expect us to compromise,” says Kannapan of Kavanai near Virudhachalam, justifying the violent reactions to the Ilavarasan-Divya love affair.
His wife broke away from a Self-Help Group that consisted of several Dalit women when the tension between the two groups escalated.
S. Anandhi, Associate Professor at the Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS), says the economic background of the two communities was not too varied. In fact, economic mobility of Dalits was also a crucial aspect that fuelled the acrimony, reflected in the fact that riots target assets in particular. Ms. Anandhi says given that access to common resources turns into a crucial issue when caste clashes escalate, the role of the State in ensuring that rights of Dalits, who end up at the receiving end of the blockade, are put at the centre of the debate is critical. “The government should focus on variables that need intervention to ensure the Dalits have equal rights over village common resources.
This is both on the economic and security fronts,” she says.
Politically, she contends the Dalit parties appear to be more anxious about electoral mobilisation than involvement at the grassroots level. Therefore, a shift in priority was a necessity if any tangible difference is to be made.
(This is the first of a three part series on Dalit discrimination in Tamil Nadu)
