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Chapter 5 - The Great Migration, 1900 - 1930
Ricardo	and	Enrique	Flores	Magon
Francisco	I.	Madero
FRANCISCO	MADERO
One	of	the	things	that	made	
Madero	the	least	likely	
Mexican	to	bring	an	end	to	the	
long	dictatorship	of	Porfirio	
Diaz	is	that	he	was	not,	by	any	
definition,	a	macho.		He	was	
an	eggheaded intellectual	in	
every	sense	of	the	term,	the	
well-educated	and	sheltered	
son	of	a	family	of	northern	
elites,	and	when	he	published	
his	political	pamphlet	The	
Presidential	Succession	in	
1910,	all	he	was	doing	was	
suggesting	that	after	thirty-
five	years,	it	was	time	for	new	
blood	in	the	political	arena
(after	all,	Diaz	was	in	his	seventies),	and	that	El	Presidente should	be	required	to	live	up	the	old	
promise	of	HIS	1876	Plan	of	Tuxtepec:	no	reelection.		But	even	here,	Madero	was	conservative	in	his	
approach	– he	didn’t	even	want	Diaz	to	go	– he	thought	he	should	remain	in	power	for	so	long	as	he	
was	able	to	do	the	job,	he	just	wanted	more	democracy	in	that	the	people	should	elect	the	vice-
president,	and	various	other	key	figures	within	upper	levels	of	the	federal	government,	so	as	to	
prepare	for	the	day	when	Porfirio	Diaz	would	no	longer	be	there	to	hold	the	reins	of	power.		All	across	
Mexico	people	read	Madero’s	words	and	said	to	themselves,	here	is	a	guy	that	just	signed	his	own	
death	sentence,	because	then	knew	that	Diaz,	even	at	that	age,	would	brook	no	challenge	to	his
Porfirio	Diaz
power,	and	this	was	a	challenge;	but	
when	Diaz	read	it,	and	had	looked	into	
Don	Franciso Madero,	he	did	not	feel	
threatened,	merely	curious.		And	so	he	
invited	Madero	down	to	Mexico	City	for	
lunch,	to	meet	the	man,	get	a	sense	of	
him,	take	his	measure,	see	for	himself	
what	he	was	made	of	and	if	he	posed	
any	real	threat	to	the	Porfiriato.		And	
when	the	meal	was	over,	Diaz	knew	
that	Madero	was	less	than	nothing,	and	
rather	than	have	him	arrested,	or	
disappeared,	he	let	him	go	back	north	
to	his	family,	to	Coahuila,	and	in	doing	
so,	he	wrote	the	final	page	in	the	
history	of	his	long	reign,	and	sealed	his	
own	fate.		Why	did	he	so	seriously	
underestimate	Madero,	he	who	had	
been	so	canny	and	so	farsighted	for	so	
long,	holding	Mexico	so	tightly	in	his	
iron	fist?		Because,	again,	Madero	was	
so	unlikely	a	champion,	and	so	NOT	the	
guy	that	was	EVER	going	to	take	
anything	away	from	Porfirio	Diaz,	even	
as	an	old	man.		In	the	first	place,	
Madero	was	a	little	man,	about	five	feet	
tall,	who	quivered	and	shook	like	a	bird
when	he	spoke;	he	was	a	vegetarian,	and	a	
mystic	who	liked	going	to	church,	and	to	top	
it	all	off,	he	never	took	a	drink.		THIS	guy	
was	going	to	lead	the	machos	of	Mexico	
against	Porfirio	Diaz?		Doesn’t	eat	meat,	no	
cervesas or	tequila,	and	to	make	matters	
worse,	he	had	a	high-pitched,	squeaky	
speaking	voice…?		Decades	later,	when	the	
first	Mickey	Mouse	cartoons	made	their	way	
to	Mexico,	people	that	had	lived	and	known	
Franciso	Madero	leapt	to	their	feet	in	movie	
theaters	and	cried	out,	“The	ghost	of	
Madero!”	so	similar	were	their	voices.		THIS	
GUY?!		Beat	DIAZ?!		EL	MACHO	GRANDE???		
Maybe	you	begin	to	see	why	Diaz	didn’t	
take	him	seriously	as	any	kind	of	a	threat	–
how	COULD	he?		To	him,	the	man	was	a	
non-issue.		But	in	the	north,	Madero	began	
to	attract	attention	in	late	1909,	and	by	
1910	he	was	a	serious	candidate	for	the	
presidency,	making	speeches	that	set	the	
crowds	on	fire,	and	the	importance	of	those	
speeches	is	that	no	matter	what	he	said,	or	
what	HE	meant,	somehow	the	masses	of	
people	that	listened	took	away	from	the	
speeches	the	messages	that	they	needed	to	
hear,	and	not	necessarily	the	messages	that
that	Madero	wanted	them	to	hear.		All	Madero	said,	in	speech	after	speech,	was	that	
the	cure	for	Mexico’s	problems	was	”social	justice,”	but	with	this	too-vague	phrase	he	
meant	simple	democratic	political	reform	of	the	kind	that	he	had	discussed	in	his	
political	writings.		But	for	the	industrial	workers,	social	justice	meant	unions,	better	
working	conditions,	better	wages,	shorter	hours;	for	the	landless	peasants	social	
justice	meant	land	to	live	on	and	to	farm;	for	the	middle	class,	Madero’s	words	
promised	a	better	Mexico	for	all	Mexicans,	and	for	Diaz,	for	too	long,	Madero	just	
represented	a	noisome	pain	in	the	neck,	because	for	all	of	the	crowds	at	Madero’s	
political	rallies,	all	Diaz	could	see	was	the	insignificance	of	the	man,	and	not	the	
significance	of	the	symbol.
Finally,	in	July	of	1910,	several	months	before	the	election,	Diaz	had	Madero	arrested	
and	jailed	in	San	Luis	Potosi	for	inciting	riots	(due	to	the	size	and	fervor	of	the	crowds	
at	his	rallies),	and	on	election	day	in	September,	the	results	were	announced	as	99%	
in	favor	of	Diaz	– a	joke,	and	a	slap	in	the	fact	to	all	Mexicans,	because	everyone	in	
the	country	knew	that	far	more	Mexicans	had	voted	for	Madero	than	that,	and	that	
perhaps	Madero	had	even	won	the	election.		Thinking	that	it	was	now	safe,	Diaz	had	
Madero	released	from	prison	although	he	was	placed	under	a	sort	of	“house	arrest”	
within	the	city	of	San	Luis	Potosi;	within	almost	no	time,	Madero	fled	the	city	for	
Texas,	and	from	there	issued	the	Plan	of	San	Luis	Potosi,	declaring	the	recent	election	
nullified,	and	declaring	himself	president.		He	also	called	for	a	national	uprising	on	
November	20,	1910,	to	overthrow	the	dictatorship	of	Porfirio	Diaz,	and	that	is	exactly	
what	happened.		In	the	north,	men	like	Abraham	Gonzalez,	Pascual Orozco,	and	
Francisco	“Pancho”	Villa	rose	up	to	support	Madero,	and	in	the	south	Emiliano	Zapata	
led	his	people	out	of	Morelos;	in	truth,	the	zapatistas were	primed	to	rebel	anyway,	
and	the	call	by	Madero	just	gave	them	a	pretext	to	start	at	that	particular	moment.
Abraham	Gonzalez	and	Pascual Orozco Madero	in	touring	car	entering	Mexico	City	after	the	fall	of	Diaz
Better	armed	and	prepared	and	believing	in	something	much	larger	than	any	of	the	other	armed	insurrectionists,	the	zapatista Army	of	the	
South’s	aims	were	summed	up	in	its	simple	slogan	(“Land	and	liberty,”	Tierra	y	liberdad),	and	in	its	action:	as	soon	as	the	army	had	seized	a	
hacienda	by	either	driving	off	or	killing	the	hacendado and	his	people,	they	began	to	divide	up	its	lands	then	and	there	into	farms	for	the	landless	
peasants	of	Morelos	to	begin	farming.
Diaz,	too	old,	to	take	the	field	and	actually	lead	a	military	force,	and	without	enough	military	strength	to	take	on	what	was	coming	at	him	from		
literally	every	direction	on	the	compass,	was	ultimately	forced	to	flee	the	country	with	his	wife	and	daughter	in	tow.		Taking	ship	from	Veracruz,	
with	a	crowd	of	reporters	having	caught	the	word	at	the	last	minute	that	the	president	of	Mexico	was	going	into	exile	in	France, they	asked	him	
for	any	last	words	as	he	made	his	way	up	the	gangplank	and	onto	the	ship.		Turning	to	them,	Diaz	said,	“They	have	released	the	wild	horses	from	
the	corral	– now,	who	among	THEM	will	be	strong	enough	to	put	them	back?”		Almost	as	if	to	say	– I	was	the	strong	man	for	so	many	years,	and	I	
kept	Mexico	under	control	– can	any	of	these	new	men	do	the	job	that	I	did	for	so	many,	many	years?		Can	any	of	THEM	keep	the	peace?
MAYBE	the	world’s	handsomest	man	(and	
yes,	totally	secure	in	my	masculinity):	
Emiliano	Zapata
Effective	Suffrage,	No	Reelection,	Juan	O’Gorman,	Chapultepec	Castle,	1969	– showing	
Francisco	Madero	welcoming	in	a	new	era	of	democracy	to	Mexico	in	1910
THE	MEXICAN	REVOLUTION,	1910-1920
There	is	a	lot	of	debate	amongst	historians	about	when,	exactly,	the	Mexican	
Revolution	began.		When	Madero	first	challenged	Diaz?		Madero’s	arrest?		When	he	
issued	the	Plan	of	San	Lusi Potosi?		The	armed	uprising	against	Diaz?		When	Madero	
assumed	the	presidency	in	1911?		When	he	was	assassinated,	along	with	his	vice-
president	Jose	Maria	Pino Suarez,	by	Victoriano Huerta	in	early	1913,	which	was	the	
precipitating	event	that	led	to	the	half-dozen	years	of	almost	endless	armed	conflict	
between	competing	warlords	for	control	of	the	government?		It’s	hard	to	say,	and	we	
do	not	have	the	time,	and	I	do	not	have	the	inclination,	to	go	into	the	long,	and	
endlessly	fascinating	telenovela	that	is	the	story	of	the	Revolution.		So	let’s	just	run	
through	a	few	things	that	need	to	be	covered	for	the	purposes	of	understanding	
some	things	for	future	issues	relative	to	Mexican	American	history.		
Madero	was	not	particularly	well	prepared	to	be	president	of	Mexico,	because	he	did	
not	really	understand	what	the	country	needed,	and	was	not	trained,	nor	educated,	
to	lead,	nor	to	govern	– he	was	an	intellectual,	best	suited	to	quiet	research	in	an	
isolated,	quiet	room.		Unfortunately,	events	would	overtake	him,	because	now	he	
was	in	charge	of	a	system	and	a	government	created	by,	and	run	by,	men	loyal	to,	
and	made	by,	Porfirio	Diaz,	and	before	too	very	long	the	corruption	of	that	system	
made	itself	evident,	and	led	to	the	tragic	executions	of	Madero	and	Suarez	at	the	
hands	of	one	of	Mexico’s	leading	military	men,	this	Huerta	you	see	to	the	right,	who	
thought	to	seize	power	for	himself.		That	this	entire	action	unfolded	with	the	full	
knowledge	of	the	American	ambassador	to	Mexico	(but	without	the	knowledge	of	
the	ambassador’s	boss,	President	Woodrow	Wilson,	it	should	be	noted),	Henry	Lane	
Wilson,	by	way	of	what	has	come	to	be	known	as	the	“Plot	of	the	Embassy”	is	an	
unpardonable	blot	on	the	record	of	the	United	States,	but	there	you	have	it	– it	is	
what	it	is.		Madero	and	Suarez	were	executed,	gangster-style,	shot	in	the	backs	of
Victoriano Huerta
their	heads	in	an	alley	after	having	been	effectively	kidnapped	by	way	of	trumped-up	threats	on	their	lives,	all	a	fantastic	tissue	of lies	
concocted	as		way	of	getting	a	man	in	the	presidency	who	would	behave	more	like	Porfirio	Diaz,	which	was	more	to	the	liking	of	Henry	Lane	
Wilson	and,	he	believed,	would	be	more	to	the	liking	of	President	Wilson.		After	Madero’s	execution,	Huerta	lasted	less	than	a	year,	fleeing	
the	capital	ahead	of	attacking	armies	bent	on	vengeance	for	the	killing	of	the	president.		With	the	country	effectively	leaderless	several	
”strong	men”	stepped	up	to	the	task	of	trying	to	take	hold	of	the	wheel	of	the	ship	of	state	to	steer	it	into	safe	waters,	among them	Pancho
Villa	and	Emiliano	Zapata.		This	is	the	famous	shot	of	them	at	Chapultepec	Castle,	with	Villa	sitting	on	the	throne.		Villa	sat	down	upon	it,	
testing	it	out,	wiggling	his	ass	round.		“So,	Emiliano,	how	do	I	look	– suits	me,	eh?!”		Zapata’s	reply	was:	“We	should	take	that	chair	and	throw	
it	in	the	lake!”		“WHAT?!”	cried	the	outraged	Villa,	“This	throne	is	magnificent,	it	is	everything,	blah,	blah,	blah…!!! In	this	anecdote	you	see	
the	essential	difference	in	the	two	warlords:	Villa,	the	blustering	blowhard,	the	swaggering	macho,	the	man	who	gave	with	one	hand	and	took	
away	with	the	other,	the	“Robin	Hood	of	the	North,”	larger	than	life,	
equally	reviled	and	beloved	because	for	every	story	that	makes	
him	out	to	be	a	hero	there	is	another	that	shows	him	as	a	villain.		
He	saw	the	throne	as	somethign	for	him,	a	symbol	of	power	to	
be	coveted	and	sat	upon,	whereas	Zapata	saw	it	as	a	symbol	of	
corruption,	something	that	would	only	bring	harm	to	men.		
Zapata	is	the	single	pure	figure	of	the	Revolution,	the	man	who	
said,	“I	would	rather	die	on	my	feet	than	live	on	my	knees,”	and	
“Seek	justice	from	tyrannical	governments	not	with	your	hat	in	
your	hands	but	with	a	rifle	in	your	fist,”	his	legend	uncomplicated	
because	he	only	ever	seemingly	did	the	right	thing,	the	good	
thing	– not	a	saint,	not	a	perfect	man,	but	a	man	who	came	from	
a	family	of	wealth,	and	who	rejected	it	all	to	throw	in	his	lot	with	
the	landless,	the	hopeless,	who	became	the	reluctant	leader	of	
the	campesinos of	Morelos	because	they	had	no	one	else.		It	is	
Zapata	who	lives	on	today,	forever	above	and	beyond	all	of	the	
‘Heroes	of	the	Revolution,’	as	a	still-vital,	vibrant	symbol	of	21st
century	meaning	and	resistance	– he	is	the	once	and	future	king
of	Morelos,	whose	names	lives	on	
in	the	Zapatista	Army	of	National	
Liberation	in	southern	Mexico	
right	now,	even	as	I	write	and	you	
read	this.		Viva	Zapata!
Aside	from	Villa	and	Zapata,	there	
were	two	newcomers	who	
entered	the	fray	at	this	time	to	
challenge	Huerta	and	vie	for	
control	of	the	government	– one	
of	the	them	was	the	governor	of	
Coahuila,	Venustiano Carranza,	
who	raised	what	he	called	the	
Constitutionalist	Army	and	
marched	south.		He	combined	
forces	with	several	minor	war	
chieftains	from	Sonora,	most	
importantly	Alvaro	Obregon,	who	
would	emerge	as	the	canniest,	
toughest,	and	most	durable	of	all	
of	the	heroes	of	the	revolution.
Venustiano Carranza
Obregon	was	the	most	gifted	military	
strategist,	and	with	his	gifts	and	
Carranza’s	knowledge	of	how	to	run	
things,	the	two	made	a	formidable	team.		
Once	the	various	revolutionary	forces	
had	defeated	Huerta’s	forces,	the	
Convention	of	Aguas Calientes was	
called	to	try	and	find	some	common	
ground	for	them	to	move	ahead	with	
plans	for	the	future	of	Mexico.		They	all	
fell	out	quickly,	with	the	Army	of	the	
South	retreating	back	to	Morelos	to	
continue	their	work	on	the	seizure	of	
haciendas,	and	Villa’s	Division	of	the	
North	retaining	control	of	the	capital.		
Once	low	on	food	Villa’s	forces	were	
forced	to	take	to	the	countryside	to	
forage	for	supplies	and	that	was	when
Alvaro	Obregon,	and	at	right,	Obregon	and	Carranza
the	obregonistas were	able	to	defeat	them,	driving	them	back	into	the	north,	at	which	
point	Mexico	City	was	safely	under	the	control	of	Carranza	and	Obregon.
Once	the	situation	in	the	capital	was	stabilized	Carranza,	as	provisional	president,	
announced	that	there	would	be	a	constitutional	convention	to	draft	a	new	constitution	
to	make	sure	that	the	ideals	of	the	Revolution	would	be	formalized	in	a	new,	functional	
government.
THE	CONSTITUTION	OF	1917
The	new	system	would	be	a	federal	government	with	a	separation	of	powers	and	no	reelection.		A	bicameral	legislature	and	a	bill	of	rights	
would	be	included	along	with	the	restriction	placed	upon	the	Church	in	the	19th century.		In	addition,	the	Church	would	not	be	allowed	to	be	
involved	in	primary	education,	and	private	elementary	and	secondary	schools	would	be	secularized.		The	Church	was	also	blocked	from	
owning	or	administering	property,	and	clergy	were	forbidden	to	vote,	hold	political	office,	and	Mexican	states	were	given	the right	to	license	
(and	thus	limit)	the	number	of	clergy	within	their	borders.
All	land	and	resources	were	considered	to	be	owned	by	the	government,	and	so	could	be	distributed	or	redistributed	by	same.		The new	logic	
went	like	this:	at	one	time	it	was	a	necessity	that	the	dominant	economic	model	be	great	encomiendas,	and	then	haciendas;	now	a	newer	
requirement	was	for	fields	for	the	campesinos.		This	was	going	to	be	a	tricky	proposition,	because	to	just	take	property	away	from	one	to	give	
to	another	was	to	threat	the	entire	legal	concept	of	private	property	nationwide,	and	besides,	to	simply	give	poor	people	land	was	to	– what?		
Give	them	land	they	could	not	afford	to	do	anything	with?		And	how	much	land?		And	that	would	depend	on	the	state,	and	the	climate,	and	
what	could	be	grown,	or	grazed,	with	that	land	in	that	region,	and	wouldn’t	the	government	have	to	create	lending	institutions	to	make	
capital	available	to	these	new	smallholders	to	get	them	started	financially…?
Workers	gained	the	right	to	unionize,	bargain	collectively,	and	strike.		There	was	a	guaranteed	minimum	wage,	an	eight-hour	workday,	and	a	
social	security	system,	among	other	worker	benefits.		Debt	peonage	was	brought	to	an	end.		Child	labor	was	abolished.
As	they	say,	“Rome	wasn’t	built	in	a	day,”	and	it	took	some	time,	through	the	1920s,	and	well	into	the	1930s,	before	all	of	these	reforms	could	
be	implemented.		But	it	was	the	promise	of	what	the	constitution	could	do	that	meant	so	much	to	the	Mexican	people,	and	it	actually	would	
do	a	lot,	far,	far	more	than	the	stillborn	Constitution	of	1857	had	done	ever	dreamed	of	doing.		And	top	of	that,	the	Constitution	of	1917	was	
the	first	genuinely	revolutionary	constitution	of	the	20th century,	and	Mexico’s	Revolution	the	harbinger	of	many	more	to	come:	Russian,	
Cuban,	Chinese	Cultural.		And	when	Mexican	Americans,	and	especially	Chicano	activists	in	the	later	part	of	the	century	would talk	about	
social	justice	and	standing	up	and	fighting	for	what	was	right,	they	wouldn’t	be	talking	or	thinking	so	much	about	the	American	‘Spirit	of	‘76’,	
but	more	about	what	had	happened	when	“the	wind	that	swept	Mexico”	blew	across	the	land	and	made	myths	of	so	many	of	the	deeds	of	
their	forefathers...
Venustiano Carranza	and	the	
Constitution	of	1917,	Jorge	Gonzalez	
Camarena,	1967.		This	title	is	sort	of	
ironic,	because	Carranza,	who	was	not	
one	of	the	convention’s	delegates,	
actually	heard	through	an	informant	
that	the	constitution	was	turning	out	to	
be	more	liberal	than	we	would	have	
liked,	and	so	he	sent	Obregon	there	to	
turn	things	in	a	more	conservative	
direction,	little	suspecting	that	
Obregon	was	secretly	more	liberal	than	
he’d	ever	let	on	– and	Obregon	went	
and	threw	all	the	weight	of	his	military	
reputation	behind	what	the	delegates	
were	doing	and	so	decisively	forced	the	
constitution	into	the	leftward	direction	
channel	towards	which	it	had	been	
trending.
Too	cool	NOT	to	include	– paintings	of	
Carranza	as	a	train	by	Octavio	Ocampo;	
they	have	no	titles	as	far	as	I	know.
Historica 1,	Jorge	Gonzalez	Camarena,	1968	(?)
Zapata,	assassinated	by	the	
government	of	Carranza	in	1919	
because	he	was	too	beloved	by	
the	people	of	Morelos,	and	
Carranza	and	Obregon	were	too	
afraid	of	leaving	him	down	
there	with	his	base	of	support	–
they	simply	couldn’t	believe	
he’d	remain	anything	but	a	
threat	to	the	stability	and	
legitimacy	of	the	new	
government,	if	the	pace	of	land	
reform	did	not	meet	a	standard	
that	existed	in	the	minds	of	him	
and	his	followers.		And	they	may	
have	been	right.		At	any	rate,	
they	summoned	him	through	a	
ruse	by	way	of	a	man	he	trusted	
to	a	meeting,	and	he	was	met	
by	a	fusillade	of	bullets.		At	far	
left	is	the	famous	image	of	his	
corpse,	and	at	close	right,	a	
painting	by	Camarena,	seeming	
to	suggest	Zapata	as	the	near-
apotheosis	of	the	Revolution	in	
human	form.
American	Civilization	– Latin	America,	Jose	Clemente	Orozco,	1932-
34.		Zapata	as	the	weary	avatar	of	every	failed	peasant	movement	in	
the	history	of	the	region,	beset	on	all	sides	by	the	forces	of	greed,	
governmental	corruption,	and	militarismo – ai-yi-yi!
The	1952	film	Viva	Zapata	is	worth	seeing	for	
all	sorts	of	reasons,	especially	if	you’re	a	film	
or	lit	geek	– directed	by	Elia	Kazan,	written	by	
John	Steinbeck,	it	manages	to	marry	the	
preeminent	thematic	concerns	of	both	of	
those	towering	mid-20th century	American	
artists	into	one	not-entirely	successful,	but	
totally	compelling,	cinematic	package,	and	
with	the	most	important	American	actor	of	all	
time,	Marlon	Brando	at	the	helm,	skin	all	
darkened	up	so	he	can	play	a	Mexican,	and	
with	filters	in	his	nostrils	so	they’ll	flare	more	
convincingly	Mexican	-- ?		How	can	you	beat	
it?		Definitely	worth	your	time	and	rental	cash,	
if	you’re	interested	in	film,	and	most	
importantly	history	as	portrayed	in	film.		
Certainly	not	100%	historically	accurate,	not	
by	any	means,	but	nonetheless	worth	seeing.		
Check	it	out,	then	do	some	googling	around,	
and	you	can	get	the	lowdown	on	all	that	was	
right	and	wrong	with	it.
Punk	rock	Zapata,	21st century	icon
Pancho Villa	got	bought	off	– of	course	he	did.		He	was	another	pain	in	the	ass	for	Carranza	and	Obregon	and	long-term	stability,	
and	so	long	as	he	was	running	around	the	north,	thrilling	the	people,	and	periodically	crossing	the	border	and	shooting	up	small
American	towns	and	creating	problems	with	the	U.S.	government…yeah,	something	had	to	be	done	about	him.		Here	he	is	with	
John	J.	“Black	Jack”	Pershing,	who	was	sent	after	him,	and	hunted	him	in	Mexico	with	5,000	men	from	1916-17	– ultimately,	when	
the	hunt	was	called	off,	they	took	this	photo	together.		Truth	is	stranger	than	fiction,	right?		But	anyway,	finally	in	1920	after	the
assassination	of	Carranza	(by	an	agent	of	
Oberegon’s!),	Villa	sent	word	to	the	interim	
president	that	he	was	ready	to	lay	down	his	arms	
and	swear	allegiance	to	the	government.		And	so,	
in	return	for	a	25,000	acre	hacienda	in	Chihuahua,	
and	amnesty	granted	to	his	last	loyal	250	guerilla	
fighters,	he	was	allowed	to	shuffle	off	of	the	stage	
of	history	and	into	retirement	as	a	gentleman	
landowner.
But	not	quite.
In	1923	Villa	was	assassinated	when	he	was	
running	errands	in	town,	having	gone	that	day	
without	his	bodyguards.		Althought	it	is	unknown	
who	wa	sbeyond	his	murder,	the	best	guess	is	the	
government,	because	Villa,	perhaps	bored	in	
retirement	and	yearning	once	more	for	glory,	had	
been	making	some	noise	about	running	for	the	
presidency.
Alvaro	Obregon	would	be	assassinated	only	five	years	later	in	1928	by	a	disturbed	Catholic	priest	who	snuck	into	the	restaurant	where	he	
was	being	honored	at	a	banquet	disguised	as	an	artist,	and	was	able	to	get	to	Obregon’s	table	by	way	of	a	caricature	he	had	done of	the	
former	president	(only	in	Mexico!),	where	he	shot	him	five	or	six	times	in	the	back.		With	Obregon’s	passing,	so	passed	the	last of	the	great	
‘Heroes	of	the	Revolution.’
Pancho Villa	has	been	portrayed	in	many	bad	movies,	but	the	one	REALLY	good	one	is	this,	the	true	story	of	how	an	American	film	crew
followed	Villa’s	army	around,	literally	making	a	movie	of	his	actual	battles	during	the	Revolution	to	be	shown	to	American	movie-going	
audiences	back	home	in	the	U.S.		It	really	gives	you	a	sense	of	the	many-faceted	character	of	Villa,	and	Antonio	Banderas	does	a	bang-up	
job	playing	Pancho all	the	way	to	the	hilt	and	then	some	– Mexicans	were,	predictably,	outraged	that	a	Spaniard	should	be	cast	as	one	of	
their	beloved		national	heroes,	but	holy	cow,	you’ve	got	to	be	realistic	about	the	economic	logistics	of	getting	movies	made	– you	need	a	
name	above	the	title	that	will	interest	people,	and	Banderas	was	a	name	that	could	do	it.		Wouldn’t	they	rather	have	the	movie	WITH	
Banderas	rather	than	NO	movie	at	all?
Alliance	of	the	Peasant	and	the	Industrial	Worker,	Diego	Rivera – In	the	1920s	the	Secretary	of	Public	Education,	Jose	Vasconcelos,	tasked	a	
variety	of	Mexican	artists	with	the	challenge	of	memorializing	the	ideals	of	the	Revolution	in	various	mediums	of	art,	primarily public	murals	of	
heroic	size,	so	that	the	people	of	Mexico	should	never	forget	what	had	been	fought	for	during	those	difficult	years	of	1910-1920.		Many	
muralists,	but	primary	amongst	them	“Los	Tres Grandes,”	the	Three	Great	Ones,	Diego	Rivera,	David	Alfaro	Siqueiros,	and	Jose	Clemente	
Orozco,	received	generous	commissions	from	the	government,	and	they	responded	by	creating,	not	just	then,	but	throughout	their	careers,	
Jose	Vasconcelos
works	of	art	that	attempted	
to	tell	the	story	not	just	of	
the	revolutionary	times	of	
Mexico,	but	of	all	of	
Mexican	history	and	
indeed,	of	the	Americas	
and	of	the	world.
The	Partitioning	of	the	Land,	Diego	Rivera,	1920s
The	Breaking	of	the	Bread,	The	Night	of	the	Rich,	Wall	Street	Banquet,	Diego	Rivera,	1930s
The	Revolutionaries,	detail	from	The	Revolution	Against	the	Porfirian Against	the	Porfirian Dictatorship,
David	Alfaro	Siqueiros,	1957
…and	just	to	give	you	a	sense	of	the	scope	of	the	mural.
Lastly,	some	quick	images	of	the	nameless	soldiers	of	Mexico	who	fought	for	their	country.
Soldaderas,	or	“adelitas”	as	they	were	sometimes	called,	after	
Pancho Villa’s	fighting	girlfriend	Adelita who	rode	behind	him	
with	a	gun	in	her	hand.
The	Trench,	Jose	Clemente	Orozco,	1926
Canción	de	esperanza	(Song	of	hope),	Jorge	Gonzalez	Camarena,	1975
The United States
Enters
the 20th Century:
Progressivism and
Imperialism
Progressive	propaganda	
poster,	1910s	
You’ve	all	driven	by	construction	sites	like	the	below,	where	
the	temporary	wooden	walls	have	been	“bombed”	by	
endless	numbers	of	posters,	promoting	something,	usually	
records,	movies,	concerts…or	political	issues.		The	
Progressives	were	not	just	skilled	at	this,	they	essentially	
invented	the	tactic	to	raise	public	awareness	about	
problems	confronting	society,	problems	such	as	child	labor,	
politicized	in	the	poster	at	right	and	following,	and	also	
captured	in	the	accompanying	images	as	well.
George	Bellows	was	an	affluent	member	of	the	upper	class	
who	became	interested	in	painting	the	“real	life”	of	New	
York	City	– its	streets,	its	people,	its	daily	life;	but	this	was		
something	which	had	never	been	done.		He	went	into	the	
slums	and	really	looked	at	the	people	there	and	their	living	
conditions,	and	the	first	painting	he	executed	on	this	new	
subject	matter	was	Cliff	Dwellers.		
The	title	was	inspired	by	a	trip	he	had	taken	to	the	
Southwest	where	he	saw	the	ruins	of	the	Pueblo	peoples	
at	Canyon	de	Chelly and	other	sites;	to	him,	the	crowded	
streets;	the	tenement	buildings	with	their	laundry	lines;	
and	folks	shouting	down	to	the	street	and	up	to	the	
window	and	the	fire	escapes;	the	hustle	bustle	of	everyday	
life	were	reminiscent	of	what	it	must	have	been	like	to	live	
amongst	the	Indians	of	the	past	amongst	those	canyons	
and	mesas.
Bellows	was	no	Progressive,	but	Progressive	reformers,	
seeing	his	work	in	gallery	shows,	were	inspired	to	do	into	
the	slums	themselves	to	investigate	the	living	conditions	
there.		Inadvertently,	Bellows’	work	became	one	of	many	
sources	of	information	that	helped	pave	the	way	to	social	
reform.		
Cliff	Dwellers,	
George	Bellows,	1913
Female	garment	worker	
in	sweatshop,	1903
Working	conditions	like	these	were	to	be	found	
in	every	workshop	and	smaller	factory	in	the	
United	States	and,	indeed,	the	industrialized	
world.		These	proved	to	be	rallying	points	for	
Progressive	reformers,	resulting	in	the	creation	
of	such	organizations	as	the	Women’s	Trade	
Union	League	and	the	New	York	State	Factory	
Commission.		Similar	organizations	were	
established	in	other	American	industrial	cities,	
and	city- and	state-level	commissions	passed	
legislation	that	created	strict	codes	to	protect	
the	lives	of	workers,	as	well	as	providing	for	
inspections	of	workshops	and	factories	by	
municipal	and/or	state	agents	whose	task	was	to	
ensure	that	the	new	laws	were	being	followed.
The	Landlords	Game,	
Elizabeth	Magie,	1904
Several	different	versions	of	the	game	
had	been	manufactured	and	sold	going	
back	twenty	years,	each	with	the	same	
basic	theme:	“Get	rich	and	show	no	
mercy.”		This	is	the	first	copyrighted	
version	of	the	game	that	would	later	
become	Monopoly (see	next	image),	
which	you’ve	all	played,	and	if	you	
haven’t,	what	are	you	doing	here?		Go	
out	and	buy	yourself	a	Monopoly	
game!
MONOPOLY,	1935
Have	you	ever	taken	a	minute	
to	really	think	about	the	
Monopoly	board?		The	
Railroads	and	Utilities,	the	
Community	Chest	and	
Chance?		Stop	for	a	moment	
and	try	to	relate	the	game	to	
the	economic	principles	that	
have	been	discussed	in	the	
book,	lectures,	and	
Slideshares.
“The	Modern	Colossus	of	
Railroads,”	Joseph	Kepler,	1879
With	a	clever	tip	of	the	hat	to	the	ancient	
world’s	Colossus	of	Rhodes,	Kepler’s
cartoon	shows	Cornelius	Vanderbilt	as	a	
colossal	controller	not	just	of	the	railroads	
but	of	their	tracks	and	stations	through	
his	control	of	fellow	railroad	tycoons	Jay	
Gould	and	Cyrus	W.	Fields.		To	the	left,	
just	below	CV’s	hand,	a	banner	flies	above	
the	depot	proclaiming	Fields’	unofficial	
motto:		“Many	nickels	stolen	are	millions	
gained.”		Monopoly, anybody?
“Next,”	Joseph	Kepler,	1904
This	criticism	of	the	power	of	Standard	Oil	shows	the	largest	company	in	the	world	
as	a	malign	octopus,	its	tentacles	wrapped	around	the	powers	of	the	railroads,	the	
shipping	industry,	the	state	legislatures,	assorted	politicians	and	businessmen,	
Congress,	and	it’s	reaching	for	the	White	House,	the	last	great	power	it	needs	for	
total	economic	domination	of	all	it	surveys.
“What	a	funny	little	
government...”	Horace	
Taylor,	1899
And	here	is	how	Standard	Oil	got	
that	powerful:	John	D.	Rockefeller’s	
bribes	of	corrupt	government	
officials	which,	according	to	Taylor,	
are	taken	care	of	in	the	same	
meticulous	fashion	with	which	a	
jeweler	inspects	a	rare	gem	(notice	
the	jeweler’s	loupe	in	JDR’s	eye	
with	which	he	carefully	inspects	his	
payoffs).		This,	according	to	Taylor,	
will	result	in	an	American	
landscape	covered	in	barrels	of	oil,	
and	the	Congress	reduced	to	
nothing	more	than	a	Standard	Oil	
Refinery.
“Jack	the	Giant	Killer,”	
1904,	Puck Magazine
Theodore	Roosevelt	as	Jack,	the	giant-killer	of	faerie	
tale	and	fable,	stands	proudly	at	center,	wielding	a	
mighty	sword	with	the	words	“Public	Service”	on	its	
blade.		From	each	side	of	the	canyon-like	city	streets	
come	the	giants,	but	writ	in	modern	terms:	
Rockefeller,	Gould,	Hill,	Oxnard,	and	Morgan,	captains	
of	industry	or	robber	barons?		In	their	own	eyes,	
certainly,	the	former;	in	the	eyes	of	the	majority	of	
Americans,	the	latter.		The	question	then,	must	be	–
how	can	such	a	tiny	hero	defeat	these	mighty	giants,	
these	architects	of	the	trust,	these	monopolists?		
Since	the	power	of	money	(the	New	York	Stock	
Exchange)	is	off	to	one	side	(directly	to	the	left	of	
Roosevelt),	and	the	power	of	righteousness	is	aligned	
with	the	President	right	down	the	middle	of	the	street	
(the	church	in	the	distance),	the	implication	would	
seem	to	be	that	the	little	guy	is	going	to	win,	as	
indeed	Roosevelt	did	– forty-four	monopolies	were	
“busted”	during	his	presidency.
Roosevelt	as	the	mighty	tamer	of	wild	beasts,	as	well	as	men	– here	you	see	visual	symbols	
of,	from	left	to	right,	the	trusts,	the	G.O.P.	(Republican	Party),	and	various	foreign	countries,	
among	them,	San	Domingo,	Panama,	and	the	Philippines.		In	the	image	at	right,	it’s	all	about	
the	trusts.
Yet	another	commentary	on	Roosevelt’s	
trust-busting,	this	one	riffs	off	of	the	
famous	hunting	trip	to	Mississippi	he	took	
during	the	first	term	of	his	presidency.		A	
bear	had	been	attacked	by	the	dogs	and	
chained	to	a	tree	by	the	time	TR	arrived	on	
the	scene,		He	was	asked	if	he	wanted	to	
shoot	the	bear,	and	he	declined,	saying	
that	it	would	be	unsportsmanlike,	but	that	
someone	should	put	the	bear	out	of	its	
misery.		This	story	got	wide	coverage	in	the	
press	(as	did	everything	TR	did	or	said),	
and	several	different	bright	fellows	had	the	
idea	at	the	same	time	to	manufacture	
stuffed	bears	for	children,	calling	them	
“Teddy	Bears.”		Within	a	matter	of	years,	
every	child	in	America	had	a	teddy	bear	
within	their	first	few	years,	and	eventually	
the	teddy	bear	was	a	worldwide	
phenomenon.
Teddy	and	His	Bear
Theodore	Roosevelt	and	John	Muir,	Yosemite	
Valley,	1903.	 During	his	presidency,	Theodore	
Roosevelt	signed	into	existence	five	national	
parks,	18	national	monuments,	55	national	bird	
sanctuaries	and	wildlife	refuges,	and	150	
national	forests.	 There	has	never	been	a	
president	who	was	so	deeply	committed	to	
conservationism	(conserving,	or	wisely	using	
the	country's	national	resources).	 As	a	boy,	the	
young	Roosevelt	was	often	found	smelling	of	
formaldehyde,	as	one	of	his	favorite	pastimes	
was	amateur	taxidermy;	another	was	sitting	in	
the	woods	near	his	home	for	hours	on	end,	
watching	the	movements	of	birds	and	making	
careful	notations	on	them	in	his	journal.	 As	a	
man,	he	would	follow	his	presidency	with	a	six-
month	safari	in	Africa,	during	which	time	he	
would	shoot	and	kill	over	six	hundred	animals,	
including	a	number	of	elephants.	 He	was,	
always,	a	bundle	of	contradictions.
Roosevelt	and	Conservationism
Theodore	Roosevelt	and	John	Muir,	Yosemite	Valley,	1903
At	the	time,	no	one	batted	an	eye	at	this,	and	indeed	cheered	on	our	glorious	president	– but	with	21st century	eyes,	we	
cannot	help	but	look	back	at	it	with	horror	– that’s	called	presentism	folks,	and	in	studying	history,	it’s	your	greatest	
enemy	– beware	of	it,	and	watch	for	it	at	every	step.		Be	very	careful	of	judging	the	past	with	modern	sensibilities.
The	present-day	system	of	national	parks	and	forests,	in	large	part	a	legacy	of	Theodore	Roosevelt's	
interest	in	environmentalism	and	conservationism	- thank	you,	Teddy!
One	of	the	hottest	topics	of	conversation	today	(early	April,	2016)	has	to	do	with	what	role	the	United	States	
should	play	in	the	world,	in	terms	of	economics	(Outsourcing	jobs?		Global	trade	treaties?),	politics	(Immigration	–
build	a	Trump-Wall	on	the	border?		Allow	Muslim	refugees	from	the	Middle	East	into	our	country?),	and	
international	peace	and	stability	(How	far	do	we	go	to	reduce	the	power	of	ISIS?		Drones,	foot	soldiers	– nukes?).		
At	the	root	of	all	of	this	lies	a	debate	that	has	inflamed	American	passions	to	some	degree	or	another	ever	since	
the	1840s,	and	that	is	– are	we	better	off	as	an	isolationist	nation	who	mainly	keeps	to	its	own	affairs,	or	are	our	
interests	better	served	by	engaging	with	the	rest	of	the	nations	of	the	world	so	as	to	become	one	of,	if	not	THE,	
shapers	of	global	policies	and	opinions?		Isolationism	or	Internationalism?		
One	of	the	best	ways	to	understand	the	issues	involved	in	this	debate	is	to	examine	the	factors	behind	the	United	
States	transition	around	1900	from	an	isolationist	nation	(which	is	what	we	had	been	during	the	19th century,	for	
the	most	part)	to	an	internationalist,	and	even	an	imperialist,	nation.
Your	text	discusses	several	things	that	went	into	establishing	the	“foundations	of	
empire”:	William	Seward’s	emphasis	on	the	importance	of	access	to	global	markets
so	as	to	keep	a	healthy	economy	and	thus,	a	happy	American	people;	Josiah
Strong’s	arguments	in	favor	of	an	extension	of	American	power	globally	to	spread
liberty,	Christianity	and	civilization	to	other	people	supposedly	lacking	in	these
areas;	and	former	naval	officer	Alfred	Mahan’s	suggestions	for	an	expansion	of
American	sea	power	so	as	to	protect	our	interests	abroad.
But	there	are	several	other	factors	I	would	like	to	identify	so	as	to	really	round	out
your	understanding	of	this	topic,	and	I’d	like	to	start	with	the	historian	Frederick
Jackson	Turner.		In	1893	Turner	read	a	paper	before	the	American	Historical	
Association	at	their	meeting	in	Chicago,	entitled	“The	Significance	of	the	Frontier
in	American	History.”		In	this	essay,	Turner	argued	that	the	distinctive	American
personality	had	been	formed	on	the	western	frontier	where	civilized	man	met	and
tamed	the	savage	wilderness.		As	each	frontier	was	approached	and	conquered,	
European	ways	of	thinking,	behaving,	problem-solving	were	cast	aside,	and	a	new
THE	BIRTH	OF	AMERICAN	IMPERIALISM
American identity was created, with easily recognizable personality traits that people the world over thought of as
“American” – a belief in democracy; a propensity for sudden action and violence; an insistence on fair play and
equality; a casual attitude toward social proprieties. At the same that this new personality was developing over
several generations of westward expansion, each new frontier line became a challenge that Americans took up –
crossing mountain ranges, bridging rivers, conquering and expanding into regions that were controlled by hostile
Native American peoples – these were all tests of the strength, fortitude, and intelligence of the Americans that
challenged these frontiers. Turner argued that from the early 1600s into the late 1800s, there had always been
some western frontier that fired the imagination and drive of Americans, that stood before them and said, “Go
ahead – I DARE you!” These
challenges, according to Turner,
were part of what had made us
great up to that point. But, the
1890 census report revealed
something that was one of the
major points in Turner’s “frontier
thesis”: according to the census,
there was no frontier left in the
United States. No mighty river
or mountain to conquer, no
region to expand into – from
east coast to west, and from
northern border to southern,
Americans had, if not filled up
the entire country, populated it
to such a degree that there was
no part of the United States that
could anymore be termed
unknown and unconquered – no
frontier, all gone bye-bye.
(I	don’t	know	where	the	blue-ish tint	on	this	map	came	from,	sorry!)
This	knowledge	prompted	Turner	to	ask:	If	having	a	frontier	is	what	made	us	who	we	are,	and	helped	to	make	us	
great	– what	will	become	of	America	now	that	the	frontier	is	gone?		Will	we	become	complacent,	lazy,	degenerate?		
Will	we	lose	the	special	American	“mojo	that	made	us	go-go”	-- ?	(to	quote	an	old	blues	song)		Turner	did	not	
commit	himself	one	way	or	another	– he	had	no	answers,	just	questions	that	established	an	argument.		
No	one	had	answers,	not	really	– but	they	did	have	opinions,	and	many	of	the	people	who	read	the	Journal	of	
American	History,	where	the	paper	was	soon	published,	shared	the	opinion	that	the	country	was	going	to	be	in	
deep	trouble	if	some	substitute	for	the	American	frontier	was	not	discovered,	some	new	challenge,	some	new	goal.		
Many	of	those	people	were	powerful	businessmen,	congressmen,	military	leaders,	people	with	names	like	Alfred	
Mahan,	Henry	Cabot	Lodge,	William	McKinley,	and…Theodore	Roosevelt.		These	men	knew	one	another,	talked,	
had	lunch,	exchanged	letters,	and	agreed	that	Turner’s	argument	was	sound,	and	in	believing	this,	they	all	firmed	
up	their	collective	belief	in	the	aforementioned	Seward/Strong/Mahan	axis	of	logic,	which	is	to	say,	that	the	United	
States	had	to	seek	overseas	possessions...territories...colonies.
In	addition	to	what	has	already	been	discussed,	
the	issue	of	domestic	productivity	was	also	of	
concern	for	these	would-be	empire	builders.		
The	Civil	War	had	kicked	American	industry	into	
overdrive,	and	with	each	year	that	went	by	
production	only	increased,	and	dramatically.		
Two	examples	should	suffice	as	proof:	in	1860,	
13	tons	of	steel	were	smelted	and	by	1900,	the	
annual	total	was	11,000	tons;	with	petroleum,	
1859	had	seen	2,000	barrels	extracted,	and	by	
1900	the	number	had	risen	to	63,000.		Cotton,	
tobacco,	rice;	hogs,	cattle,	chickens;	timber,	
coal,	tin	– in	every	possible	way	the	harvesting	
of	resources	was	growing,	leading	inevitably	to	
a	terrific	acceleration	in	American	production,	
but	along	with	this	growth	came	problems,	
primary	among	them:	who	was	going	to	buy	all
of	this	stuff?		We	were	producing	far	more	than	our	domestic	market	could	consume,	and	even	more	than	what	we	
could	sell	to	our	traditional	trading	partners.		We	were	now	among	the	top	4-5	industrial	powers	in	the	world,	and	
yet	they	did	not	possess	these	same	problems,	so	what	was	it	that	they	had	that	we	did	not	have,	that	allowed	
them	to	grow	and	grow	without	the	same	sort	of	growing	pains	that	the	U.S.	was	experiencing?		In	short,	what	they	
had	were	colonies,	which	were	useful	not	only	because	they	could	provide	the	mother	country	with	raw	materials	
at	low	cost	(and	often	these	resources	were	totally	unavailable	to	the	colonial	powers	in	the	first	place,	like	rubber,	
for	example),	they	could	also	provide	new,	controlled	markets	for	the	goods	produced	from	the	raw	materials,	
effectively	preventing	the	problem	that	was	plaguing	the	United	States	at	this	time.		
There	is	one,	final	block	we	
must	add	to	our	under-
standing	of	the	foundations	of	
empire	in	the	late	19th century,	
and	that	is	the	desire	for	what	
Louis	XIV,	one-time	King	of	
France,	referred	to	as	gloire,	
which	in	English	translates	into	
glory.		To	put	this	in	street	
terms,	from	Louis’	point	of	
view,	having	colonies	made	
France…cool...bitchen...bad-
ass...bling-bling...GLORIOUS.
Having	colonies	meant	that	
you	were	an	imperial	power,	
ruler	of	an	empire		– like	
ancient	Rome.		But	hang	on	--
let’s	stop	and	make	entirely	
sure	that	you	all	understand	
what	an	empire	actually	is.
Imperialism – the extension of control by a nation
over the territories, inhabitants, and resources of
areas outside of the nation’s boundaries.
A	serious	font	for	a	serious	topic.		
So	an	empire	is	what	you	become	once	you	placed	other	people’s	lands	under	your	own	
government,	thereby	also	controlling	them	and	their	natural	resources.
The	United	States	had	done	a	lot	of	growing	during	the	1800s.		In	1800,	we	had	only	been	an	
independent	nation	for	17	years,	not	long	away	from	the	nest	of	imperial	England.		
But	since	then	we	had	gone	from	13	states	to	nearly	50;	spread	2500	miles	west	across	North	
America;	fought	a	second	war	against	the	British;	defeated	dozens	of	Indian	nations	in	war,	not	
to	mention	beaten	Mexico	in	an	un-just	war	and	then	stolen	half	of	her	territory;	fought	the	
Civil	War	amongst	ourselves,	to	that	point	the	most	destructive	war	in	human	history;	and	
recovered	from	that	war	to	become	bigger,	stronger,	and	more	productive	than	ever,	in	a	
success	story	unlike	any	other	in	the	history	of	the	world.
But	for	many	American	power	brokers	(those	business/government/military	men	mentioned	
earlier),	none	of	this	was	ever	going	to	REALLY	matter	unless	we	could	also	show	that	we	could	
get	our	hands	on	the	same	things	that	gave	so	much	GLOIRE to	the	other	guys	in	the	
Most	Powerful	Nations	In	The	World	club,	and	those	things	were	– you	guessed	it	– colonies.
to	get	into	the	Most	Powerful	Nations	In	The	World	Club	alongside	Germany,	France,	
and	England.		So	when	all	is	said	and	done,	the	factors	that	led	to	the	U.S.	becoming	an	
imperial	power	by	acquiring	overseas	territories/colonies	were:	
§ the	William	Seward	vision	of	the	importance	of	access	to	global	markets
§ Josiah	Strong’s	championing	of	the	need	for	Anglo-Saxon/American	dominance	of	
the	“lesser”	peoples	of	the	world	in	order	to	civilize	and	Christianize	them
§ Alfred	Mahan’s	arguments	in	favor	of	an	expanded	naval	capability	to	defend	our	
interests
§ Frederick	Jackson	Turner’s	“frontier	thesis,”	which	led	to	a	concern	over	a	loss	of	that	
special	American	vitality,	and	the	need	for	new	“frontiers”	to	conquer
§ A	steadily	increasing	American	industrial	productivity
§ And	lastly,	a	desire	for	gloire,	so	as	to	be	reckoned	as	one	of	the	power	players	in	the	
world	alongside	Germany,	France,	and	England
Wreck	of	the	USS	Maine,	precipitator	of	the	U.S.'s	entry	into	the	Spanish	
American	War
Why	go	to	war	against	Spain	on	behalf	of	Cuba?		Your	book	notes	that	there	was	concern	over	the	ultimate	fate	of	
American-owned	sugar	plantations	on	the	island,	but	it	was	much	more	than	that.		Between	1858-1893,	$103	
million	had	been	channeled	into	Cuban	enterprises	by	American	investors,	and	more	than	$50	million	of	that	had	
been	invested	in	just	the	last	decade.		Spain	had	been	a	financially-crippled	country	since	the	early	1700s,	and	had	
no	investment	capital	to	sink	into	anything,	let	alone	a	modernization	of	Cuban	infrastructure.		But	at	that	same	
time,	Cuban	sugar,	and	other	exports,	were	becoming	even	more	desirable,	so	it	was	imperative	that	Cuba	have
railroads,	to	move	the	raw	sugar	cane	from	fields	to	refineries	(prior	to	this	time	all	transportation	was	done	by	ox-
carts);	modernized	sugar	mills;	and	upgraded	port	facilities	to	better	allow	larger,	modern	ships	easier	access	for	
the	import-export	trade.		Spain	may	have	had	no	money	for	any	of	this	– but	American	investors	did,	and	so	deals	
were	struck	with	the	Spanish	government	to	allow	the	modernization	of	Cuban	infrastructure	by	way	of	American	
capital,	and	along	the	way	many	of	these	American	tycoons	bought	themselves	expansive	engenos de	azucar
(sugar-producing	estates)	on	the	island	where	sugar	was	cultivated	and	they	enjoyed	the	nicest	months	of	the	
year	in	the	Cuban	climate,	instead	of	freezing	back	home	in	New	York,	Boston,	Philadelphia,	or	Chicago.		
So	let’s	consider	that	sum	again:	more	than	$100	million,	which	translates,	more	than	a	century	later,	into	well	
over	$1	billion	modern	dollars.		Do	you	think	the	current	U.S.	government	would	be	concerned	if	a	billion	Amer-
ican dollars	were	at	stake	in	some	country	where	a	civil	war	was	raging?		Do	you	think	the	armed	forces	might	get	
involved?		Not	hard	to	imagine,	right?	That’s	the	essential	reason	for	our	decision	to	go	to	war	against	Spain,	but	
that	was	not	the	way	the	thing	was	sold	to	the	public	– your	text	discusses	the	letter	leaked	to	the	newspapers	
wherein	President	McKinley	was	insulted	by	the	Spanish	ambassador,	but	the	newspapers	also	published	many	
stories	about	the	”brave	little	Cuba,	taking	up	arms	against	its	monstrous	imperial	mother	Spain,	and	all	in	the	
cause	of	freedom.”		If	you	substitute	“United	States”	for	Cuba	and	“England”	for	Spain,	you	could	be	talking	about	
the	American	Revolution.		This	angle	was	used	and	re-used	until	Americans	were	in	love	with	the	notion	of	Cuban	
indepenence,	throwing	“Cuba	Libre!” parties	and	raising	money	to	help	send	guns	to	the	Cuban	rebels.		By	the	
time	the	USS	Maine was	sunk,	most	Americans	were	primed	and	ready	to	go	to	war	on	behalf	of	our	brave	Cubano
brothers	and	sisters.		It	was	a	war	that	was	bought	and	sold	to	the	American	public	with	very	little	effort.
But	the	best	part	was	at	the	last.		After	we	had	charged	in	at	the	eleventh	hour	and	“helped”	the	Cubans	defeat	
the	Spanish	(they	could	have	finished	it	up	alone	given	a	bit	more	time,	but	were	happy	to	see	their	big	Yankee	
brothers	lending	a	hand),	we	made	it	pretty	clear	that	“independence”	was	not	going	to	be	everything	the	Cubans	
thought	it	would	be.		The	United	States	was	the	first	independent	American	nation,	and	as	such	had	set	a	great	
example	for	other	young	American	nations	to	follow,	which	is	why	so	many	of	the	Latin	American	“declarations	of	
independence”	from	Spain	and	Portugal	have	language	that	pays	tribute	to	Thomas	Jefferson	and	our	Declaration;	
it’s	why	they	all	wrote	“constitutions”	after	becoming	independent,	in	which	you	always	see	the	indelible	stamp	of	
the	influence	of	Estados Unidos,	y	por que no?		Que bueno!		So	after	the	fighting	was	concluded	and	work	had	
started	on	cleaning	up	the	many	war-torn	areas	of	Cuba,	the	Cuban	patriots	convened	a	constitutional	convention
in	order	to	create	a	new	government	for	themselves,	the	first	in	their	four	century	history.		But	while	they	were	
working	on	that,	the	United	States	Congress	was	working	on	something	called	the	Platt	Amendment,	and	once	
they	got	it	done,	they	sent	it	off	to	the	commander	of	the	American	forces	in	Cuba,	a	General	William	Shafter,	to	
have	it	presented	to	the	Cuban	Constitutional	Convention.		Your	book	makes	it	very	clear	what	the	Amendment	
said,	but	let	me	reiterate	one	key	part	in	brief:	“That	the	government	of	Cuba	consents	that	the	United	States	may	
exercise	the	right	to	intervene	for	the	preservation	of	Cuban	independence,	the	maintenance	of	a	government	
adequate	for	the	protection	of	life,	property,	and	individual	liberty,	and	for	discharging	the	obligations	with	
respect	to	Cuba	imposed	by	the	treaty	of	Paris	on	the	United	States,	now	to	be	assumed	and	undertaken	by	the	
government	of	Cuba.”		What	this	really	meant	was	that	the	U.S.	would	determine	who	would	run	Cuba	(which	
they	did	for	the	the	next	fifty-plus	years	up	to	the	Cuban	Revolution),	and	if	things	weren’t	being	run	the	way	the
the	U.S.	wanted,	then	life,	
property,	and	liberty	(primarily	
American	in	all	three	cases)	
would	be	preserved	through	
the	use	of	American	military	
power.		In	the	cartoon	next	
door	here,	you	see	Cuban	
independence	being	asserted	
even	as	all	of	what	made	
Spanish	rule	so	wretched	is	
toppling:	the	throne	is	propped	
up	on	‘antagonism	to	
civilization,’	16th century	
methods,’	‘cruelty,’	‘corrupt	
aristocracy,’	and	the	throne	
supports	‘mortgages,’	‘debt,’	a	
‘depleted	treasury,’	and	
‘immense	loans.’
None	of	this	can	be	propped	up	much	longer	by	the	‘depleted	army,’	‘Spanish	pride,’	‘or	a	‘fourth	class	navy’…but	
the	Cubans	had	little	to	no	idea	that	once	the	Americans	got	involved,	we	would	hijack	their	newly-won	
independence.		What	we’d	done	to	Mexico	in	the	Mexican	American	War	(1846-48)	might	have	made	them	a	bit	
nervous,	but	it	had	been	a	half	century	since	then,	and	they	probably	thought	we	were	satisfied	by	what	was,	
perhaps,	the	gretaest	territorial	rip-off	in	history.		But	apparently	not,	as	they	soon	found	out.
In	the	Philippines	the	U.S.	Navy	got	into	the	fight	with	Spain	months	ahead	of	our	involvement	in	the	Caribbean,	
because	an	American	fleet	was	
already	there,	having	been	
conveniently	located	off	of	the	
shore	of	China	when	word	was	
received	to	proceed	to	the	
main	island	of	Luzon.		The	
Spanish	were	defeated	quickly,	
and	then	the	Filipinos	learned	
the	same	lesson	soon	to	be	
learned	by	the	Cubans	– that	
the	U.S.	intended	to	stay,	and	
they	had	gotten	rid	of	one	
colonial	master	only	to	acquire	
another.		The	Philippines	were	
a	perfect	base	of	operations	
from	which	to	launch	an	inten-
sive	trade	invasion	of	Asia,	but	
China	in	particular.		The	
cartoon	to	the	right	paints	a	
perfect	picture	of	the	point	of	
view	of	American	business	and	
government	leaders	of	the	day.
Below	is	a	page	taken	from	Howard	Zinn’s legendary	A	People’s	History	of	the	United	States (which	some	of	you	may	
have	read).
There	was	heated	argument	in	the	United	States	about	whether	or	not	to	take	the	Philippines.	As	one	story	has	it,	
President	McKinley	told	a	group	of	ministers	visiting	the	White	House	how	he	came	to	his	decision:	
Before	you	go	I	would	like	to	say	just	a	word	about	the	Philippine	business.	.	.	.	The	truth	is	I	didn't	want	the	
Philippines,	and	when	they	came	to	us	as	a	gift	from	the	gods,	I	did	not	know	what	to	do	with	them.	.	.	.	I	sought	
counsel	from	all	sides	-- Democrats	as	well	as	Republicans	-- but	got	little	help.	
I	thought	first	we	would	only	take	Manila;	then	Luzon,	then	other	islands,	perhaps,	also.	
I	walked	the	floor	of	the	White	House	night	after	night	until	midnight;	and	I	am	not	ashamed	to	tell	you,	gentlemen,	
that	I	went	down	on	my	knees	and	prayed	Almighty	God	for	light	and	guidance	more	than	one	night.	And	one	night	
late	it	came	to	me	this	way	-- I	don't	know	how	it	was,	but	it	came:	
1)	That	we	could	not	give	them	back	to	Spain	-- that	would	be	cowardly	and	dishonorable.	
2)	That	we	could	not	turn	them	over	to	France	or	Germany,	our	commercial	rivals	in	the	Orient	-- that	would	be	bad	
business	and	discreditable.	
3)	That	we	could	not	leave	them	to	themselves	-- they	were	unfit	for	self-government	-- and	they	would	soon	have	
anarchy	and	misrule	over	there	worse	than	Spain's	was;	and	
4)	That	there	was	nothing	left	for	us	to	do	but	to	take	them	all	and	to	educate	the	Filipinos,	and	uplift	and	civilize	
and	Christianize	them,	and	by	God's	grace	do	the	very	best	we	could	by	them,	as	our	fellow	men	for	whom	Christ	
also	died.	
And	then	I	went	to	bed	and	went	to	sleep	and	slept	soundly.	
The	Filipinos	did	not	get	the	same	message	from	God.		If	they	knew	God	was	on	the	side	of	the	U.S.,	maybe	they	
would	have	given	up	rather	lose	200,000	of	their	people	in	the	fighting	– for	who	would	be	so	foolish	as	to	resist	the	
will	of	God?		(That	last	line	in	italics	is	mine	– I	hope	the	sarcasm	is	clear	to	you.)
The	territories	in	green	were	acquired	by	the	United	States between	1867	(beginning	with	the	
purchase	of Alaska	from	Russia	(Go,	Sarah	Palin!)	and	1917	(when	a	protectorate	was	established	over	
the	Virgin	Islands).		As	you	can	see,	these	Pacific	Island	acquisitions,	starting	with	Hawaii,		had	created	a	
perfect	“hopscotch	game”	of	maritime	trade	and	re-fueling	stations	between	the	U.S.	and	Asia.
“Hurrah	for	Imperialism!”	
F.G.	Atwood,	LIFE	
Magazine,	1898
A	blindfolded	Uncle	Sam,	armed	to	the	teeth,		
goes	rushing	headlong over	the	edge	of	a	
cliff.	 Clearly LIFE	Magazine was	not	entirely	
confident	in	the	country's	new,	imperialistic	
stance.
THE	PANAMA	CANAL,	1903
At	this	time	the	United	States	constructed	the	Panama	Canal,	and	this	is	something	that	should	take	up	at	least	a	few	minutes of our	
time.	 The	notion	of	a	canal	through	some	part	of	Central	America	to	provide	quicker	access	from	the	Atlantic	to	the	Pacific	had occupied	
the	thinking	of	the	Spanish	Empire	since	the	1540s,	but	all	of	their	ideas	were	so	ill-conceived	and	thus	enormously	costly	that they	never	
got	off	the	ground.	 In	the	1880s,	the	French,	having	failed	to	complete	the	Suez	Canal	and	sold	out	to	the	British,	received	permission	from	
the	Colombian	government	to	construct	a	canal	across	the	Isthmus	of	Panama,	and	they	worked	on	it	for	about	a	dozen	years,	slowly	but	
surely	failing	(again)	(the	French…)	and	along	came	the	British	with	a	smile,	ready	to	buy	them	out	(again),	just	as	happy	as they	could	be	to	
sink	their	teeth	into	yet	another	unbelievably	lucrative	canal	project,	but	— hold	everything!	 The	United	States	expressed	serious	interest
in	taking	over	the	project,	and	since	it	was	
in	our	part	of	the	world,	the	British	were	
not	terribly	keen	over	the	idea	of	irritating	
us;	also,	knowing	that	with	German	power	
on	the	rise	on	the	continent	(World	War	I	
was	coming,	and	they	could	kind	of	sense	
it),	they	thought	it	might	be	better	in	the	
next	decade	or	two	to	have	the	U.S.	feeling	
good	toward	them,	so...they	bowed	out	of	
the	arrangement,	and	left	it	up	to	us	to	
arrange	matters	with	the	Colombians	as	we	
saw	fit.
So	a	treaty	was	hammered	out	whereby	Colombia	would	be	paid	$10	million	up	front,	
with	a	$250,000	annual	lease	for	a	strip	of	land	six	miles	wide	— this	would	be	the	canal	
zone	across	Panama,	and	Colombia	agreed	to	the	deal,	the	U.S.	Senate	ratified	it,	but	then	
the	Colombian	Senate	backed	out	at	the	last	minute	when	they	decided	they	could	hold	
the	United	States	hostage	for	more	money.
This	is	where	it	gets	interesting.	 Roosevelt	was	outraged	at	what	he	saw	as	lowdown	
double-dealing	and	an	ungentlemanly	way	of	doing	business	on	the	part	of	Colombia.	 It	
transpired	that	within	the	province	of	Panama	that	there	were	separatist	groups	who	had	
long	harbored	a	desire	to	rebel	from	Colombia	and	declare	independence	— Panama	had	
always	been	the	part	of	Colombia	that	was	ignored,	forgotten,	the	“pan	handle”	that	stuck	
off	to	one	side	of	the	country	proper,	never	really	invested	in,	or	cared	about,	and	in	
Panama	there	were	several	generations	of	resentment	that	had	built	up	over	this	—
Roosevelt	sent	in	American	agents	who	told	the	prospective	rebels,	“If	you	rebel,	we	will	
support	you!”	and	so	in	November,	1903,	these	Panamanian	“rebels"	declared	
independence,	U.S.	warships	blocked	Colombian	ships	from	moving	in	to	do	anything	
about	it,	and	a	new	nation	was	born	named	— you	guessed	it!	— PANAMA,	and	the	first	
order	of	business	was	for	the	U.S.	to	recognize	Panama’s	existence	as	a	sovereign	nation;	
then	for	that	new	nation	to	grant	the	United	States,	her	new	benefactor,	a	99-year	lease	
on	the	canal	zone,	in	return	for	which	the	U.S.	would	build	the	canal,	and	protect	it	(and	
not	coincidentally	protect	Panama	from	any	aggression	by	Colombia.	 The	original	
financial	arrangement	with	Colombia	was	agreed	to	by	Panama,	and	the	U.S.	bought	all	
of	the	French	equipment	that	was	there	at	the	dig,	as	well	as	the	French	railway	infrastructure	that	had	been	laid	to	accommodate	the	building	project.
The	Panama	Canal	was	seen	by	Theodore	Roosevelt	and	those	of	a	like	mind	as	essential	to	the	long-term	geopolitical	strategic	interests	of	the	United	
States.	 Forget	about	the	interests	of	fast	and	efficient	trade	connections	from	Atlantic	to	Pacific	— what	about	in	time	of	war if	we	were	fighting	a	two-
ocean	war?	 This	may	have	seemed	like	crazy	talk	in	1903…but	it	sure	made	sense	several	decades	later	during	World	War	II	— at	that	time	the	Canal	
was	absolutely	invaluable.	 So	— how	do	you	see?	 Imperialist	aggression?	 A	stronger	nation	simply	doing	what	had	to	be	done	to take	care	of	its	long	
term	interests	and	security?	 Combination	of	the	two?
A colossal Theodore Roosevelt, in his Rough Riders outfit, digs his way through the Isthmus of
Panama as a representative of the Colombian government waves a flag to the left, anxious for a new
treaty with the United States This is after the Colombian government had broken off negotiations,
hoping for a better deal with the U.S., in terms of both cash and length of lease, which angered
Roosevelt, who referred to the Colombians as “double-dealers.” It's no coincidence that the earth
being flung aside is burying Bogota, the capital of Colombia. Clustered at Roosevelt's heels are the
ships of many nations, eager to take advantage of the convenience of the canal.
INTERNAL	COLONIALISM
Something	to	think	about	vis-à-vis	the	desire	for	American	colonies	in	the	1890s	and	early	1900s.		There	are	
many	who	would	argue	that	the	United	States	already	possessed	colonies,	within	the	United	States.		In	1957	
Leo	Marquard published	a	work	on	South	Africa	in	which	he	argued	that	the	“homelands”	that	the	indigenous	
Africans	had	been	forced	onto	functioned	as	colonies	within	the	greater	nation	of	South	Africa.		A	formal	
definition	of	internal	colonialism	might	be	read	as:	“political	and	economic	inequalities	between	regions	within	
a	nation	state.”		In	other	words,	uneven	development	within	a	country,	between	the	various	areas	of	the	
country.		This	concept	was	adopted	by	the	pioneering	Chicano	scholar	Rodolfo	Acuna	in	his	groundbreaking	
work	Occupied	America (1972),	in	which	he	argued	that	“Chicanos	are	a	colonized	people	within	the	United	
States.”		What	is	his	the	evidence	supporting	his	argument	for	the	existence	of	internal	colonialism	in	the	late	
19th century?		
To	begin	with,	in	1900	New	Mexico,	Arizona,	and	Oklahoma	were	still	territories	– reason	being,	they	had	such	
large	populations	of	Indians,	Mexicanos,	and	mixed	bloods	that	they	were	considered	to	be	“undesirable”	
candidates	as	new	state	to	be	admitted	into	the	Union	– better	to	keep	them	simply	as	territories,	or	“internal	
colonies”	to	serve	the	economic	needs	of	the	rest	of	the	country.
• At	this	time,	in	the	late	19th and	early	20th century	the	automobile,	truck,	tractor,	refrigerated	
railroad	car,	and	radio	were	binding	the	regions	of	the	country	together	politically	and	
economically	like	never	before.
• The	railroad	made	the	rapid	delivery	of	Western	resources	to	Eastern	urban	centers	possible	–
beef	and	timber,	and	new	industries	in	oil,	cotton,	produce,	fish,	and	copper	were	booming.
• The	federal	government	was	building	huge	dams	to	bring	water	(through	massive	irrigation	
projects)	and	power	to	areas	that	had	previously	gone	without	these	amenities,	or	had	been	
limited	in	them.
But	in	spite	of	these	positive	developments,	Acuna	sees	them	as	nothing	more	than	the	necessary	steps	to	bringing	colonies	in step	with	the	
metropole	so	as	to	maximize	efficiency	and	profitability,	because	regardless,	the	Southwest	is	still	an	economic	colony	of	the	East,	due	to:
• The	absentee	ownership	of	land	– too	much	acreage	is	owned	and	controlled	by	large	landowners	and	corporations	from	the	East
• Very	little	manufacturing	– essentially	all	real	industrial	power	and	decision-making	is	located	in	the	East	
• The	corporate	and	federal	powers	of	the	East	controlled	taxes,	interest	rates,	freight	prices,	and	the	prices	of	farm	products
• Further,	this	lack	of	development	limited	the	ability	of	the	region	to	employ	agricultural	workers	in	the	off-season
So	there	are	two	questions	to	be	considered	– WERE	the	territories	of	the	Southwest	internal	colonies	of	the	eastern	United	States,	or	was	it	
nothing	more	than	bad	luck	that	they	were	relatively	resource-poor	regions	and	geographically	undesirable	for	settlement,	and	thus	the	last	
areas	of	the	country	to	be	settled?		After	all,	Texas	and	California	were	also	territories	taken	from	Mexico,	chock	full	of	Mexicanos and	Indians,	
but	they	did	not	suffer	the	same	fate	– movements	for	statehood	geminate	from	within	territories,	and	these	movements	did	not	always	have	
tremendous	momentum	within	these	territories.		Let’s	quickly	look	at	New	Mexico.		Yes,	there	was	resistance	within	Congress	in	the	late	19th
century	due	to	the	adult	population	of	New	Mexico	being	largely	illiterate,	Hispano,	and	Catholic	(the	country	was	predominantly Protestant,	
not	to	mention	Congress);	but	on	the	other	hand,	New	Mexico’s	citizens	could	not	agree	upon	a	constitution	(on	one	occasion	the	constitution	
failed	passage	by	one	vote).		There	was	also	a	failed	attempt	between	New	Mexico	and	Arizona	to	unite	into	one	state	to	be	called	
“Montezuma”	which	wasted	some	years	of	time	and	effort.		Similarly,	since	the	early	1800s,	similar	criticisms,	without	the	phrase	“internal	
colonialism”	having	been	coined	yet,	were	leveled	at	the	North	relative	to	the	status	of	the	South	prior	to,	and	even	after	the	Civil	War	– the	
industrialized		North	was	seen	as	treating	the	agrarian	South	as	a	sort	of	agrarian	fiefdom,	largely	populated	by	poor,	illiterate	whites	and	
(largely	enslaved)	blacks.		But	all	of	that	has	been	left	behind.		I	think	all	of	this	comes	down	to	a	matter	of	interpretation	– there	can	be	no	
definitive	answer	to	the	question.		And	let’s	not	even	get	into	the	overly	generalized	statement	that	All	Chicanos	(nationwide)	are	a	“colonized	
people,”	no	matter	where	they	live,	what	they	might	be	doing	for	a	living,	how	successful	they	might	be	- ?		Seems	a	bit	much.	
The	other	questions	is	– was	there	any	real	resistance	on	the	part	of	Mexicanos to	this	economic	control?		In	fact,	there	was.		There	were	
dozens	of	strikes	from	the	1880s	through	the	1920s	that	were	mainly,	or	wholly,	the	work	of	Mexicano workers,	yet	you	have	source	after	
source	reporting	nothing	of	the	sort.		For	example,	the	1907	California	Fruit	Grower’s	Guide:	“Mexicans	are	plentiful,	generally peaceable,	and	
satisfied	with	very	low	social	conditions.”		And:	“The	Mexican	is	a	quiet,	inoffensive	necessity	in	that	he	performs	the	big	majority	of	our	rough	
work	in	agriculture,	building,	and	street	labor.		They	have	no	effect	on	the	American	standard	of	living	because	they	are	not much	more	than	a	
group	of	fairly	intelligent	collie	dogs.”
How	then	to	reconcile	these	seemingly	contradictory	pieces	of	information?		
On	the	one	hand,	there	are	accounts	of	strike	after	strike	on	the	part	of	
Mexicano workers	in	the	Southwest,	and	on	the	other,	the	periodicals	of	the	
times	paint	a	portrait	of	the	docile	and	easily	controlled	Mexican	laborer	who	
does	all	of	the	hard	work	cheerfully	and	with	little	or	no	complaint.		The	
answer	to	the	question	is	simple	boosterism.		The	California	Fruit	Grower’s	
Guide,	and	other	sources	of	information	like	it,	were	anxious	to	give	the	sense	
that	California	and	the	other	Southwestern	territories	and	states	were	
“gardens	of	Eden,”	attractive	and	profitable	places	to	move,	start	businesses,	
make	living,	raise	a	family,	etc,	and	presenting	a	picture	of	a	low	wage	and	
easily	controlled	labor	force	that	was	always	available	was	a	big	part	of	
“boosting”	the	region	in	question	in	any	given	article	or	text.
WORLD	WAR	I,	THE	MEXICAN	REVOLUTION,	IMMIGRATION,	AND	COMMUNISM	– FUN,	HUH?
The	violence	of	the	Mexican	Revolution	led	to	increased	levels	of	Mexican	immigration	into	the	US,	and	consequently	intensified	
discrimination	against	Mexicans	in	the	Southwest,	and	all	this	at	a	time	when	events	associated	with	World	War	I	were	also	alarming	
Americans	about	their	shared	border	with	Mexico,	as	well	as	concerns	over	communist	subversion.
The	fear	of	Mexican	violence	in	the	Southwest	– in	November	of	1913	the	LAPD	assigned	police	officers	to	investigate	a	subversive	plot	of	
communists	and	cholos (slang	term	of	the	time	for	lower	class	Mexican).		The	Los	Angeles	Times	claimed	that	at	least	10%	of	the	city’s	
35,000	Mexicans	were	known	villista rebels	(this	was	later	proven	to	be	based	on	no	credible	source	of	information).		This	hysteria	coincided	
with	the	next	year’s	outbreak	of	war	in	Europe	and	big	business’	demand	for	more	Mexican	labor;	when	more	workers	arrived,	the	largely	
Anglo	public	reacted	with	anger.		The	Justice	Dept suspected	German	agents	in	the	city	of	recruiting	Mexicans	as	spies	and	saboteurs,	and	
over	the	next	three	years	the	police	ignored	any	sort	of	anti-Mexican	violence	or	discrimination,	on	the	pretext	that	Mexicans	were	pro-
German	and	so	deserved	whatever	ill	treatment	they	received.		
In	1915	the	Plan	de	San	Diego	was	discovered	on	the	person	of	Basilio Ramos,	a	supporter	of	General	Victoriano Huerta.		The	Plan’s	origins	
remain	unknown	to	this	day,	but	it	called	for	a	general	uprising	in	the	Southwest	on	the	part	of	all	minorities,	and	involved the	killing	of	all	
Anglo	males	over	the	age	of	sixteen,	as	well	as	the	creation	of	a	Mexicano state	in	the	Southwest…REALLY?		HOW???		If	this	sounds	totally	
incredible,	that	may	be	because	there	has	been	some	speculation	that	this	was	nothing	more	than	a	scheme	of	Venustiano Carranza’s	to	
discredit	Huerta	in	the	eyes	of	the	United	States	government.		
At	any	rate,	the	Plan’s	discovery	falls	right	into	the	midst	of	a	state	of	general	anxiety	in	the	Southwest	– much	violence	along	the	border,	
and	labor	unrest	in	the	copper	mines.		Over	the	course	of	twelve	months	from	1915	into	1916	there	were	over	thirty	revolutionary raids	
from	Mexico	into	the	US,	with	appr.	300	Mexicans	and	21	Anglos	killed,	and	all	of	this	culminating	in	Pancho Villa’s	raid	on	Columbus,	New	
Mexico	in	March	of	1916.		The	federal	government	believed	all	of	this	to	be	instigated	by	German	provocateurs,	and	by	early	1917 there	
were	35,000	U.S.	soldiers	on	the	border	to	monitor	the	situation.		And	that’s	when	the	Zimmermann	Telegram	arrives	in	the	hands	of	
President	Woodrow	Wilson.
The	Zimmermann	Telegram	was,	in	brief,	a	proposal	from	the	German	to	the	Mexican	government	
that	if	the	United	States	joined	the	war	in	Europe	against	Germany,	then	Mexico	would	ally	with	
Germany	and	declare	war	on	the	U.S.		Germany	promised	that	once	she	had	won	the	war,	she	would	
help	Mexico	mediate	a	peace	that	would	give	Mexico	back	Texas,	Arizona,	and	New	Mexico,	because	
of	course	there	was	never	any	hope	that	Mexico	could	defeat	the	United	States,	but	only	that	having	
to	deal	with	a	Mexican	attack	in	the	Southwest	would	prove	problematic	enough	for	the	U.S.	that	it	
would	allow	Germany	the	time	and	space	it	needed	to	win	the	war	against	England	and	France.		The	
telegram	was	intercepted	by	British	intelligence	and	a	copy	delivered	to	President	Wilson,	and	when	
the	public	got	word	of	it,	it	not	only	proved	to	be	the	necessary	catalyst	to	whip	the	American	people	
into	a	war	frenzy	to	go	out	and	beat	the	Germans,	it	also	roused	a	fiercely	anti-Mexican	sentiment	in	
the	Southwest	over	the	mere	notion	that	Mexico	might	have	even	contemplated	invading	the	U.S.	in	
the	hopes	of	regaining	part	of	the	Southwest.		The	end	result	of	this,	aside	from	increased	bad	vibes	
towards	Mexicans	on	the	part	of	Americans	in	general,	was	that	the	United	States	government	finally		
extended	recognition	to	the	the	revolutionary	government	which	it	had	been	reluctant	to	do;	but	this	
had	to	be	done	in	order	to	arrange	a	formal	agreement	of	neutrality	between	the	two	governments	
for	the	duration	of	the	war,	now	that	the	United	States	had	declared	against	Germany	and	her	allies.
The	Zimmermann	Telegram
American	entry	into	the	war	stimulated	industry	and	agriculture	so	much	in	the	Southwest	that	demand	for	workers	increased,	even	as	many	
Americans	left	the	workforce	and	became	soldiers.		The	United	States	enacted	a	draft	law,	scaring	many	Mexicans	into	returning	to	Mexico;	
at	the	same	time,	by	mid-1917	the	Revolution	had	subsided,	and	Mexico	was	enticing	many	workers	home	to	a	better	environment.		The	
U.S.	government	sought	the	cooperation	of	the	Catholic	Church	to	get	them	to	convince	Mexicans	that	they	should	stay	and	work	as	they	
would	not	be	drafted.		Mexicans	were	also	to	be	exempted	from	the	provisions	of	the	Immigration	Act	of	1917	due	to	the	need	for	their	
labor	in	the	Southwest.		The	1917	Immigration	Act	increased	the	entry	head	tax	into	the	United	States	to	$8;	in	addition,	those	now	excluded	
from	entering	the	United	States	included:
"…all	idiots,	imbeciles,	feeble-minded	persons,	epileptics,	insane	persons;	persons	who	have	had	one	or	more	attacks	of	insanity at	any	time	previously;	
persons	of	constitutional	psychopathic	inferiority;	persons	with	chronic	alcoholism;	paupers;	professional	beggars;	vagrants; persons	afflicted	with	
tuberculosis	in	any	form	or	with	a	loathsome	or	dangerous	contagious	disease;	persons	not	comprehended	within	any	of	the	foregoing	excluded	classes	
who	are	found	to	be	and	are	certified	by	the	examining	surgeon	as	being	mentally	or	physically	defective,	such	physical	defect	being	of	a	nature	which	
may	affect	the	ability	of	such	alien	to	earn	a	living;	persons	who	have	been	convicted	of	or	admit	having	committed	a	felony	or	other	crime	or	
misdemeanor	involving	moral	turpitude;	polygamists,	or	persons	who	practice	polygamy	or	believe	in	or	advocate	the	practice	of	polygamy;	anarchists,	
or	persons	who	believe	in	or	advocate	the	overthrow	by	force	or	violence	of	the	Government	of	the	United	States".	
The	most	controversial	aspect	of	the	act	was	the	proposal	to	exclude	all	"aliens	over	sixteen	years	of	age,	physically	capable	of	reading,	who	
cannot	read	the	English	language,	or	some	other	language	or	dialect,	including	Hebrew	or	Yiddish."
This	law	would	be	followed	by	another	immigration	law	in	1924,	the	National	Origins	Act,	which	placed	a	2%	quota	on	all	ethnic	and	racial	
immigrant	groups	from	that	year	until	1965.		The	quota	was	based	on	the	population	numbers	of	a	given	group	based	on	the	information	
provided	by	the	1890	census,	as	opposed	to	that	of	1920,	because	at	its	base	this	piece	of	legislation	had	several	specific	objectives:
• “Whiten”	up	the	population	by	allowing	entry	to	larger	numbers	of	northwestern	Europeans,	and	limiting	more	strictly	the	entry	of	
southwestern	and	eastern	Europeans,	less	“desirable	groups”
• Limit	the	numbers	of	Catholics,	Jews,	Muslims,	and	other	non-Protestant	religious	groups	entering	the	country	
• Limit	the	number	of	immigrants	entering	the	country	from	Russia,	and	countries	close	on	her	borders,	due	to	the	recent	communist	
revolution	in	Russia	and	the	rebirth	of	that	country	as	the	Soviet	Union,	a	nation	which	had	vowed	in	1923	to	over- throw	the	United	
States	and	every	other	government	in	the	world	by	way	of	communist	revolution	
After	the	war,	there	is	REAL	fear	of	communist	subversion	in	the	United	States.		In	1919	alone	- over	3300	labor	strikes,	involving	4	million	
workers.		Radicals	mailed	bombs	to	prominent	Americans	– and	all	of	this	is	seen	as	a	communist	conspiracy.		The	Bureau	of	Investigation	was	
created	by	Attorney	General	A.	Mitchell	Palmer,	and	given	to	the	guidance	of	J.	Edgar	Hoover,	who	engineered	the	notorious	Palmer	Raids.		In	
33	cities	homes	are	broken	into	without	warrants,	over	4,000	people	are	arrested	and	held	without	counsel,	and	ultimately	600	individuals	are	
deported,	many	of	them	American	citizens	– and	most	had	committed	no	crime	whatsoever.
And	just	remember…Mexicans	are	from	that	revolutionary	country	south	of	the	border,	where	they	are	enacting	“communistic”	policies	as	
they	re-imagine	their	country	into	a	– hopefully	-- better	future,	and	in	THIS	country	a	lot	of	Mexicans	are	striking	in	the	Southwest,	and	they	
just	seem	to	keep	coming	and	coming	and	coming…
Women	workers	in	the	defense	industry	in	support	of	the	
World	War	I	war	effort,	1919
Here	and	following	you	
have	examples	of	
posters	celebrating	the	
contributions	made	
by women	workers	
to American	success	in	
World	War	I
Women	and	the	Right	to	Vote
Suffragette	demonstrator	airing	one	
of	the	most	common	criticisms	of	
President	Wilson	by	supporters	of	
the	woman's	right	to	vote	after	the	
American	entry	into	World	War	I:	he	
was	hugely	enthusiastic	of	self-
determination	(self-government)	for	
the	Germans,	so	why	not	then	for	
Americans,	or	more	to	the	point,	
American	women?
Mexicanos, ch. 5   the great migration, 1900-1930

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Mexicanos, ch. 5 the great migration, 1900-1930