Robert Reich: Why Don't We Trust Hillary?

This article first appeared on RobertReich.org.

Hillary Clinton's 6-point lead over Donald Trump in last month's CBS News poll has now evaporated. As of mid-July (even before Trump enjoys a predictable post-convention bump in the polls), she is tied with him. Each garners the support of 40 percent of voters.

This is astounding, given that Trump's campaign is in shambles while hers is a well-oiled machine; that he's done almost no advertising while she began the month spending $500,000 a day on ads; and that Republican leaders are deserting him while Democrats are lining up behind her.

The near tie is particularly astonishing given that Trump has no experience and offers no coherent set of policies or practical ideas but only venomous bigotry and mindless xenophobia, while Hillary Clinton has a boatload of experience, a storehouse of carefully crafted policies and a deep understanding of what the nation must do in order to come together and lead the world.

What happened? Apparently the FBI's recent report on Clinton's email heightened what already were public concerns about her honesty and trustworthiness. Last month, in that same CBS poll, 62 percent of voters said she's not honest and trustworthy; now 67 percent of voters have that view.

So as the Republican Convention prepares to nominate the least qualified and most divisive candidate in American history, the Democrats are about to nominate among the most qualified and yet also most distrusted.

What explains this underlying distrust?

I've known Clinton since she was 19 years old. For 25 years, I've watched as she and her husband became quarries of the media—especially, but not solely, the right-wing media.

I was there in 1992 when she defended her husband against Gennifer Flowers's charges of infidelity. I was in the Cabinet when she was accused of fraudulent dealings in Whitewater, and then accused of wrongdoing in the serial rumor mills of "Travelgate" and "Troopergate," followed by withering criticism of her role as chair of Bill Clinton's health care task force.

I saw her be accused of conspiracy in the tragic suicide of Vince Foster, her friend and former colleague, who, not incidentally, wrote shortly before his death that "here [in Washington] ruining people is considered sport."

Rush Limbaugh claimed that "Vince Foster was murdered in an apartment owned by Hillary Clinton," and the New York Post reported that administration officials "frantically scrambled" to remove from Foster's office safe a previously unreported set of files, some of them related to Whitewater.

I saw Kenneth Starr's Whitewater investigation metastasize into the soap opera of Bill Clinton's second term, featuring Monica Lewinsky, Paula Jones and Juanita Broaddrick, among others—culminating in Bill Clinton's impeachment and Hillary's very public (and, presumably, intensely private) humiliation.

Then, more recently, came the storm over Benghazi, which led to inquiries about her email server, followed by the questions about whether or how the Clinton Foundation's charitable work and the Clintons' own for-profit speeches might have intersected with her work at the State Department.

It is worth noting that despite all the stories, allegations, accusations, insinuations and investigations spread over a quarter-century, there has never been any finding that Hillary Clinton engaged in illegal behavior.

But it's understandable why someone who has been under such relentless attack for a large portion of her adult life might be reluctant to expose every minor error or misstep that could be blown up into another "scandal," another media circus, another interminable set of investigations generating half-baked conspiracy theories and seemingly endless implications of wrongdoing.

Given this history, any sane person might reflexively seek to minimize small oversights, play down innocent acts of carelessness or not fully disclose mistakes of no apparent consequence, for fear of cutting loose the next attack dogs. Such a person might even be reluctant to let her guard down and engage in impromptu news conferences or veer too far off script.

Yet that reflexive impulse can itself generate distrust when such responses eventually come to light, as they often do—as when, for example, Hillary was shown to be less than forthright over her emails. The cumulative effect can create the impression of someone who, at worst, is guilty of serial cover-ups or, at best, shades the truth.

So while her impulse is understandable, it is also self-defeating, as now evidenced by the growing portion of the public that doesn't trust her.

It is critically important that she recognizes this, that she fight her understandable impulse to keep potential attackers at bay and that from here on she makes herself far more open and accessible—and clearly and fearlessly tells all.

Robert Reich is the chancellor's professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and a senior fellow at the Blum Center for Developing Economies. He served as secretary of labor in the Clinton administration, and Time magazine named him one of the 10 most effective Cabinet secretaries of the 20th century. He has written 14 books, including the best-sellers Aftershock, The Work of Nations, Beyond Outrage and, most recently, Saving Capitalism. He is also a founding editor of The American Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and co-creator of the award-winning documentary Inequality for All.