ike unpaired electrons in chemistry, free radicals in the electoral politics of Kerala can be positively or negatively charged or could just remain neutral.
Nevertheless, with each passing elections in the State, minor parties, namesake candidates and rebels have been scaring both the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF), at times even calling the shots.
NOTA impact
Previously these coalitions had to put up with the BJP cutting into their victory margin and now all of them have to stomach the existence of NOTA (none of the above) as was evident when over two lakh voters across the State exercised this right to reject all candidates since the option was introduced in the Lok Sabha polls of 2014.
Leaders admit that the political vote of each mainstream party is shrinking, except that of the BJP, which is challenging the bipolar coalition politics.
In the 2011 Assembly elections, the LDF clocked 45.39 per cent of the vote share, while the UDF secured 46.03 per cent. However, in the November 2015 local bodies polls, the LDF’s share plummeted to 37.36 per cent and the UDF’s 37.23 per cent. But the BJP ‘s vote share made a quantum jump from 6.09 per cent to 14.25 per cent. The remaining votes went to Independents and smaller parties which might be confined to their turfs in their influential domains.
K.T. Kunhikannan, director of Kozhikode-based Keluettan Padana Kendra affiliated to the CPI(M), observes that both coalitions have begun losing votes to new parties that sprouted in the last few polls. It is found that the Social Democratic Party of India, the political arm of the Popular Front of India (earlier known as the National Development Front) and the People’s Democratic Party led by the Abdul Nasir Maudany, were making a dent in the UDF partner India Union Muslim League’s vote share.
Different approach
“However, to compensate for the loss of its votes, usually the CPI(M) adopts a different approach such as targeting the disgruntled opposition, choosing better candidates and proactively taking up relevant social issues,” he said.
However, political commentator and social critic Hameed Chennamangaloor feels that sections of young voters are attracted either to Hindu or Muslim fundamentalisms, which are now well-knit in the State.
This trend is comparatively moderate among the Christian community.
“The role of parties such as the Welfare Party of India (WPI) of the Jaamat-e-Islami Hind would emerge only after the withdrawal of nominations on May 2. “Habitually, the Jaamat supports or disowns a candidate. But the LDF stands to gain if they do not have nominees in a constituency,” he said.
Similar ideology
Prof. Chennamangaloor observes that the ideology of the WPI and SDPI is similar, the only difference being the form and format both manifest in society. Both oppose the IUML.
“While the WPI generally favours the Left, the SDPI wants to ensure that the Left parties do not get the support of disgruntled IUML voters,” he adds.
The SDPI, which has cobbled up an alliance with the Samajwadi Party, is contesting in 95 seats. The aim of the party is to contest in all the 140 seats in the State. The WPI is contesting in about 50 Assembly segments.
Congress stand
Congress leader Mullappally Ramachandran claimed that his party had never been afraid of the minor parties posing a threat to its vote bank as they have never favoured them.
The Aam Aadmi Party, which forced mainstream parties to have a rethink on politics after the Delhi Assembly polls, entered the electoral scene with a bang during the Lok Sabha polls, but the movement appeared to have later fizzled out in the State.
Similarly the Bahujan Samaj Party, with a vote share of 0.6 per cent, has put up candidates.
