Joshua Nkomo advocated for the right to vote

28 Jun, 2015 - 00:06 0 Views

The Sunday News

Saul Gwakuba Ndlovu Feature
THE banning of the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress in February 1959, came at a time when two important developments were occurring in the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. One was that the black people of Southern Rhodesia were publicly demanding the right to vote, and the other was that the overwhelming majority of the black people of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasaland (Malawi) were actively and loudly clamouring for the dissolution of the federation, and for the immediate granting by the British Government of self–government to each of those territories.

Both were protectorates, unlike Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) whose white settlers hand been enjoying a measure of internal self-government since September 1923. A few black people were members of the legislative councils in North Rhodesia and Nyasaland, but there was no black face in the Southern Rhodesian parliament at that time.

Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasaland (Malawi) were responsibilities of the British Government’s colonial office headed by Iain Macleod. Southern Rhodesia fell under the Commonwealth Relations office, whose secretary of state was Duncan Sandys who had just been recently transferred from the Ministry of Defence. It was Sandys with whom Joshua Nkomo and the National Democratic Party (NDP), the SRANC’s immediate successor, had to deal with in 1960.

Political developments in the two northern territories indicated that the two protectorates would achieve self– governments under black administrations sooner than later. A spilt had, by the way, occurred in the NRANC, resulting in the secretary general, Kenneth David Kaunda, pulling out of Harry Nkumbula-led ANC to head a much more militant organisation known as the Zambia African National Congress, ZANC. In Nyasaland, meanwhile, the Malawi Congress Party, was formed to succeed the Nyasaland African National Congress (ANC) which had been outlawed on 26 February 1959.

It is important to understand that the political advancement of both Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland meant their inevitable secession from the federation leaving Southern Rhodesia in the status ante — 1953 when the Federation was inaugurated. The federation had brought with it some relaxation in the practice of racial discrimination particularly in some social aspects such as hotel services in Southern Rhodesia.

From about 1958, some European-type of alcoholic beverages could be sold to and be consumed by black people in Southern Rhodesia, a right that was for years enjoyed by black people in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland but denied those in Southern Rhodesia.

The same applied to international marriages. In Southern Rhodesia, a black person married to a white could not live in an urban area since the whole country was controlled by the Land Appointment Act which divided the country racially.

A very interesting case was that of Patrick Matimba who brought a white wife from the Netherlands. He could not live with her in any African township because she was white, nor could he himself live in any European suburb because he was black. The Methodist Church (Wesleyan) came to his rescue by offering him and his wife a place at Epworth Mission, a mission farm outside Salisbury (Harare) where the Land Appointment Act did not apply.

The black people of the two federal northern territories deeply hated the federation because they feared that the racially discriminatory laws and polices of Southern Rhodesia would eventually be introduced into their countries. They also felt that the Federal Government favoured Southern Rhodesia in terms of social infrastructural development, especially with regard to the construction of hospitals and European schools.

In Southern Rhodesia, African nationalists were, therefore, more concerned with the acquisition of the vote, repossession of land and equal pay for equal work, and the total abolition of racial discrimination (colour bar) than with secession from the Federation, a pre-occupation of both Kaunda in Northern Rhodesia and Dr Banda in Nyasaland.

It was in such a socio-economic environment that the National Democratic Party (NDP) was formed in 1960 to succeed the SRANC. Unlike its predecessor, the NDP was more administratively organised. It had cells, branches, districts and provincial structures. It was launched in Joshua Nkomo’s absence with Michael Mawema as its interim president.

A national congress was held a few months afterwards and Nkomo was duly elected to replace Mawema. The NDP soon launched riots which targeted mainly urban municipal properties such as beerhalls and administrative offices. The rallying cry for those riots was “Zhi! Zhi!”

So chilling was the “Zhi!” experience that the Southern Rhodesian regime deployed military and police forces, all armed to the teeth. Some people were killed by gunfire, and many were arrested.

The British government had, meanwhile, decided to appoint a commission to look into the Federation’s consultation and founding Act. Its chairman was a British peer, Lord Monckton of Brenchley. A great deal of controversy characterised the creation and terms of reference of that commission.

Anti-federationists demanded that its terms of reference should include a clause stating that secession from the federation was a right of each constituent territory.

The federalists were of the firm opinion that the right of secession was out of question because, they claimed, an agreement had been made at the Federation’s founding conference at the Victoria Falls to the effect that two things would never be entertained by or about the Federation: one was the changing of its constitutional status from a federation to an amalgamation, and, two, the right of secession would not be entertained.

For their part, the three prominent African nationalist leaders in the Federation, Joshua Nkomo for Southern Rhodesia, Kenneth Kaunda for Northern Rhodesia, and Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda for Nyasaland were all opposed to the continued existence of the Federation.

Joshua Nkomo said it was unacceptable that an utterly non-representative regime such as that of Southern Rhodesia should have been allowed to drag the country into a federation. First and foremost, Southern Rhodesia should have a democratic government to enable it to consult the whole population about whether or not to be a part of a federation with the two neighbouring countries.

After the granting of one person one vote to the people of Southern Rhodesia, Joshua Nkomo stated, he would advise the country to enter into a federal relationship with any interested neighbouring country as part of the pan-African continental unity called for by the All African People’s Conference which had been held in Accra, Ghana, in December 1958.

Three important developments took place in 1960. One was Robert Mugabe’s decision to join the country’s nationalist movement; the second was the appointment of this country’s first black medical officer of health, DMOH. He was Dr Samuel Tichafa Parirenyatwa whose area was Matobo (Kezi) District, Joshua Nkomo’s home area; the third was the British government’s decision to hold a constitutional conference for Southern Rhodesia.

It was quite historic for the African nationalist movement to have as one of its top leaders as highly educated a person as Robert Mugabe. At that time he had two university degrees, Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Education. That added a great deal of respect to Joshua Nkomo’s national executive which by then had only three university graduates, namely Nkomo himself, Rev Ndabaningi Sithole and Leopold Takawira.

One of the “reasons” the British government and the Southern Rhodesia colonial administrators gave for denying black people the vote was that they were not educated enough to rule a country.

As a matter of fact, attempts had been made in the mid-1950s to get black people with university degrees to lead the SRANC, but none of them agreed, all said they were not allowed to be involved in politics because they were schoolteachers.

Those who were approached but refused were Stanlake Samkange who was by then a BA graudate and teacher at Mzingwane Government School, Enock Dumbutshena who was also a BA graduate and was a relief — teacher at Empandeni Mission and was studying for MA.

The third was Gideon Mhlanga, a BA degree holder and by then a headmaster of a government primary school. He was also the president of the Southern Rhodesia African Teachers’ Association, ATA.

The people who strongly suggested that Joshua Nkomo should lead the SRANC were Daniel Modzimbomuto and Edward Silonda Ndlovu both of whom were aware that Nkomo had a BSc (Social Science) degree and that he was actively involved in trade union activities at the Rhodesia Railways.

Dr Parirenyatwa, a medical officer, raised a storm among the white people particularly in the Matobo District where farmers, miners and shopkeepers — and they were all white people — objected that they were not going to allow their wives to deliver in the hands of what they called “a Kaffir doctor”.

However, the Federal Ministry of Health, stood firm and Dr Parirenyatwa remained at his Antelope Mine Hospital district office until 1962 when he resigned to join the Zimbabwe African People’s Union, Zapu, as Joshua Nkomo’s Vice-President based in Salisbury, now Harare. His decision to join the liberation struggle full time might have been influenced by the reaction of the white community to his DMOH appointment.

The Southern Rhodesia constitutional conference commenced in London on 4 December 1961, a day before the Federal Review conference. Joshua Nkomo’s delegation comprised the then Zapu national chairman, Rev Ndabaningi Sithole, advocates Herbert Chitepo and Enock Dumbutshena, Nkomo himself and TG Silundika, a man of exceptionally acute mental sharpness.

From the very beginning it was obvious that both the British Government represented by the Commonwealth Relations secretary, Duncan Sandys, and the Southern Rhodesian administration, headed by the then Prime Minister, Sir Edgar Whitehead, did not take the views and wishes of the black people seriously at all.

It was, however, that conference that ended up in Salisbury on 7 February 1962 when Duncan Sandys and Sir Edgar Whitehead signed an agreement on a Southern Rhodesia constitution granting the country a 65-member Legislative Assembly.

Of that number, 50 were called “Ordinary” or A Roll” seats, and 15 “special” or “B Roll” seats. In fact the qualifications were such that the 50 “A Roll” seats were for the country’s 250 000 white people and the 15 “B Roll” seats were for the African majority who numbered at that time about four and half million people.

Joshua Nkomo and his delegation rejected the document but accusations were made that they had accepted it. Nkomo repeatedly and emphatically denied that he had at anytime accepted that constitution. Critics of that constitution were told that it was quite good because it had two safeguards, a Declaration of Rights and a Constitutional Council, the latter comprising 12 members elected by an electoral college.

The British Government insisted that the constitution should be introduced, and that the Southern Rhodesia administration should organise a referendum to test its acceptability or rejection. Sir Edgar Whitehead’s regime went ahead with a referendum the results of which were announced on 26 July 1961. The overwhelming majority of voters were, of course, white people 41 949 of whom approved the document and 21 846 opposed it. The NDP for its part organized a symbolic referendum to confirm its rejection.

Had the NDP accepted the Southern Rhodesia 1961 Constitution (briefly described above) the British Government would have granted the country independence under that document with, most probably, a few meaningless amendments shortly after the dissolution of the Federation which occurred on the 31 December 1963.

It is important to point out that when Sir Edgar Whitehead was pressed in 1963 to say whether or not Joshua Nkomo had as a matter of fact accepted the controversial Constitution, he said Nkomo had not, and that was why he did not sign the agreement which he and Duncan Sandys signed on 7 February 1961. It was rather strange that the rumour that Nkomo had accepted that constitution had emanated from the London NDP office whose chief representative was by then Leopold Takawira.

(To be continued)

Saul Gwakuba Ndlovu is a retired, Bulawayo-based journalist. He can be contacted on cell 0734 328 136 or through email. [email protected]

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