Indo-US ties need a hard relook

India's relations with other countries - far or near - must be in sync with her national security and economic interests. This is what foreign policy is all about. There is work to be done to put the Indo-US relations on an even keel. Considering the distortions that were allowed to creep into this area over the decade gone by, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is ideally placed to bring this about as his foreign policy approach is marked by a belief in national self-esteem and healthy bilateralism.

The termination of the Cold War and the consequent liberation of India from the pressures of an ideologically cloaked 'non-alignment' brought forth the challenge of measuring up to the new world order in which the US as the lone super power would drive the political and economic trends globally. The new situation brought clarity to many imperatives governing India's international relations in the post-Cold war era.

Relations

The reality that the US ran a democratic system based on merit and right to freedom makes that country a 'natural friend' of India, which is an established democracy notwithstanding many flaws that it developed primarily because of misgovernance. If the two largest democracies can find a way of avoiding conflict of interest as far as economy and security are concerned, their mutual cooperation can lead to a 'strategic partnership' that did not demand a 'military alliance'.

The first paradigm of Indo-US relations is that a healthy 'give and take' format should define the economic cooperation between the two friendly powers. The offer of technology from one side and the opening up of a large market, by the other, is a good enough foundation on which to consolidate Indo-US economic relations. Profit drives the American business which is something quite legitimate but a search of totally one- sided gains cannot be validated. Foreign Direct Investment in large development projects of India built on Private-Public-Partnership is viewed with favour by the government of Narendra Modi and for the Americans this hopefully would facilitate their business expansion in India particularly when the new dispensation here intends making India the Asian hub of manufacture and trade.

The follow up on the Nuclear Liability Act is a good illustration of how a totally one-sided view of 'profitability' taken by the American companies seemed to suggest that they were not showing a total commitment to security against a mishap in a nuclear plant - something obviously of prime concern for the host country. The matter was not effectively handled by the government of the day. A highly tentative approach on the part of India had only ended up creating an impression that the government here was unduly impacted by the successful conclusion of the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Energy Deal.

Secondly, it is in the sphere of national security that the responses of the then Indian government had the effect of completely distorting the Indo-US friendship grid. Throughout the decade long 'war on terror' India chose to show a kind of subservience to the US by not questioning the latter for supporting Pak-sponsored cross border terrorism against India. The US had for reasons of protecting its own national security interests, chosen to uphold the Pak army's denial of any hand in 26/11 but India had no reason to meekly align itself to the American line that this horrific attack on India was totally the doing of some non-state actors operating out of Pakistan territory.

The keenness of Dr Manmohan Singh to maintain a highly asymmetric Indo-Pak peace dialogue in disregard of our national security estimates was driven by a strange desire to be on the right side of the US on matters relating to Pakistan. The result was that Indian diplomacy was not even able to use the space between a border intrusion and a projected threat of nuclear conflict to deal with the incidents on the LoC.

Closure

Now as the US moves towards a closure of the 'war on terror' by withdrawing its troops from Afghanistan, India is on test to formulate its Afghan policy that would first and foremost safeguard our national security. If there is Indo- US convergence on Afghanistan's future set up it has to be for protecting our interests against the determination of Pak army to see India's back in that country. Pakistan has sensed the increased dependence of the US on Pak army to take care of the American assets in Afghanistan. Indian investment in Afghanistan must produce tangible security dividends. The new government of Narendra Modi seems to be taking the right line that Indo-Pak relations cannot be reduced to becoming a sub set of Indo- US relations and that there should be a complete stoppage of cross border terrorism before India extends a generous hand of friendship towards her neighbour.

Globalisation

Finally, the Indo-US relations have to find a new equilibrium under the new Indian dispensation that believes in free market and globalisation but seeks to participate in it as a robust competitor; reaches out to our neighbours without compromising with the strongest defence of every inch of its territory; and wants to project the politico- cultural identity of India on a note of pride before the international community. The emphasis rightly seems to be on making India a superpower in the 'economic multi- polarity' of the world without joining in the arms race for military competition. It would be for the US and not so much for India to adjust its bearings to the post-Cold War atmospherics.

The writer is a former Director Intelligence Bureau